PHILADELPHIA 1726-1757 by Benjamin Franklin _Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion_ IN TWO PARTS. Here will I hold ------ If there is a Pow'r above us (And that there is, all Nature cries aloud, Thro' all her Works), He must delight in Virtue And that which he delights in must be Happy. Cato. PART I. Philada. Nov. 20 1728. First Principles I believe there is one Supreme most perfect Being, Author and Father of the Gods themselves. For I believe that Man is not the most perfect Being but One, rather that as there are many Degrees of Beings his Inferiors, so there are many Degrees of Beings superior to him. Also, when I stretch my Imagination thro' and beyond our System of Planets, beyond the visible fix'd Stars themselves, into that Space that is every Way infinite, and conceive it fill'd with Suns like ours, each with a Chorus of Worlds for ever moving round him, then this little Ball on which we move, seems, even in my narrow Imagination, to be almost Nothing, and my self less than nothing, and of no sort of Consequence. When I think thus, I imagine it great Vanity in me to suppose, that the _Supremely Perfect_, does in the least regard such an inconsiderable Nothing as Man. More especially, since it is impossible for me to have any positive clear Idea of that which is infinite and incomprehensible, I cannot conceive otherwise, than that He, _the Infinite Father_, expects or requires no Worship or Praise from us, but that he is even INFINITELY ABOVE IT. But since there is in all Men something like a natural Principle which enclines them to DEVOTION or the Worship of some unseen Power; And since Men are endued with Reason superior to all other Animals that we are in our World acquainted with; Therefore I think it seems required of me, and my Duty, as a Man, to pay Divine Regards to SOMETHING. I CONCEIVE then, that the INFINITE has created many Beings or Gods, vastly superior to Man, who can better conceive his Perfections than we, and return him a more rational and glorious Praise. As among Men, the Praise of the Ignorant or of Children, is not regarded by the ingenious Painter or Architect, who is rather honour'd and pleas'd with the Approbation of Wise men and Artists. It may be that these created Gods, are immortal, or it may be that after many Ages, they are changed, and Others supply their Places. Howbeit, I conceive that each of these is exceeding wise, and good, and very powerful; and that Each has made for himself, one glorious Sun, attended with a beautiful and admirable System of Planets. It is that particular wise and good God, who is the Author and Owner of our System, that I propose for the Object of my Praise and Adoration. For I conceive that he has in himself some of those Passions he has planted in us, and that, since he has given us Reason whereby we are capable of observing his Wisdom in the Creation, he is not above caring for us, being pleas'd with our Praise, and offended when we slight Him, or neglect his Glory. I conceive for many Reasons that he is a _good Being_, and as I should be happy to have so wise, good and powerful a Being my Friend, let me consider in what Manner I shall make myself most acceptable to him. Next to the Praise due, to his Wisdom, I believe he is pleased and delights in the Happiness of those he has created; and since without Virtue Man (*) can have no Happiness in this World, I firmly believe he delights to see me Virtuous, because he is pleas'd when he sees me Happy. (*) See Junto Paper of Good and Evil, &c. And since he has created many Things which seem purely design'd for the Delight of Man, I believe he is not offended when he sees his Children solace themselves in any manner of pleasant Exercises and innocent Delights, and I think no Pleasure innocent that is to Man hurtful. I _love_ him therefore for his Goodness and I _adore_ him for his Wisdom. Let me then not fail to praise my God continually, for it is his Due, and it is all I can return for his many Favours and great Goodness to me; and let me resolve to be virtuous, that I may be happy, that I may please Him, who is delighted to see me happy. Amen. 1. Adoration. 2. Petition. 3. Thanks. Prel. Being mindful that before I address the DEITY, my Soul ought to be calm and Serene, free from Passion and Perturbation, or otherwise elevated with Rational Joy and Pleasure, I ought to use a Countenance that expresses a filial Respect, mixt with a kind of Smiling, that signifies inward Joy, and Satisfaction, and Admiration. O wise God, My good Father, Thou beholdest the Sincerity of my Heart, And of my Devotion; Grant me a Continuance of thy Favour! (1) Powerful Goodness, &c. O Creator, O Father, I believe that thou art Good, and that thou art _pleas'd with the Pleasure_ of thy Children. Praised be thy Name for Ever. (2) By thy Power hast thou made the glorious Sun, with his attending Worlds; from the Energy of thy mighty Will they first received their prodigious Motion, and by thy Wisdom hast thou prescribed the wondrous Laws by which they move. Praised be thy Name for ever. (3) By thy Wisdom hast thou formed all Things, Thou hast created Man, bestowing Life and Reason, and plac'd him in Dignity superior to thy other earthly Creatures. Praised be thy Name for ever. (4) Thy Wisdom, thy Power, and thy GOODNESS are every where clearly seen; in the Air and in the Water, in the Heavens and on the Earth; Thou providest for the various winged Fowl, and the innumerable Inhabitants of the Water; Thou givest Cold and Heat, Rain and Sunshine in their Season, and to the Fruits of the Earth Increase. Praised be thy Name for ever. (5) I believe thou hast given Life to thy Creatures that they might Live, and art not delighted with violent Death and bloody Sacrifices. Praised be thy Name for Ever. (6) Thou abhorrest in thy Creatures Treachery and Deceit, Malice, Revenge, Intemperance and every other hurtful Vice; but Thou art a Lover of Justice and Sincerity, of Friendship, Benevolence and every Virtue. Thou art my Friend, my Father, and my Benefactor. Praised be thy Name, O God, for Ever. Amen. After this, it will not be improper to read part of some such Book as Ray's Wisdom of God in the Creation or Blacmore on the Creation, or the Archbishop of Cambray's Demonstration of the Being of a God; &c. or else spend some Minutes in a serious Silence, contemplating on those Subjects. Then Sing Milton's Hymn to the Creator These are thy Glorious Works, Parent of Good! Almighty: Thine this Universal Frame, Thus wondrous fair! Thy self how wondrous then! Speak ye who best can tell, Ye Sons of Light, Angels, for ye behold him, and with Songs, And Choral Symphonies , Day without Night Circle his Throne rejoicing. You in Heav'n, On Earth, join all Ye Creatures to extol Him first, him last, him midst and without End. Fairest of Stars, last in the Train of Night, If rather thou belongst not to the Dawn, Sure Pledge of Day! That crown'st the smiling Morn With thy bright Circlet; Praise him in thy Sphere While Day arises, that sweet Hour of Prime. Thou Sun, of this Great World both Eye and Soul Acknowledge Him thy Greater, Sound his Praise In thy Eternal Course; both when thou climb'st, And when high Noon hast gain'd, and when thou fall'st. Moon! that now meet'st the orient Sun, now fly'st With the fix'd Stars, fix'd in their Orb that flies, And ye five other Wandring Fires, that move In mystic Dance, not without Song, resound His Praise, that out of Darkness call'd up Light. Air! and ye Elements! the Eldest Birth Of Nature's Womb, that in Quaternion run Perpetual Circle, multiform; and mix And nourish all Things, let your ceaseless Change Vary to our great Maker still new Praise. Ye Mists and Exhalations! that now rise From Hill or steaming Lake, dusky or grey, Till the Sun paint your fleecy Skirts with Gold, In Honour to the World's Great Author rise. Whether to deck with Clouds th' uncolour'd Sky Or wet the thirsty Earth with falling Show'rs, Rising or falling still advance his Praise. His Praise, ye Winds! that from 4 Quarters blow, Breathe soft or loud; and wave your Tops ye Pines! With every Plant, in Sign of Worship wave. Fountains! and ye that warble as ye flow Melodious Murmurs, warbling tune his Praise. Join Voices all ye living Souls, ye Birds! That singing, up to Heav'n's high Gate ascend, Bear on your Wings, and in your Notes his Praise. Ye that in Waters glide! and ye that walk The Earth! and stately Tread, or lowly Creep; Witness _if I be silent_, Ev'n orain or Fresh Shade, Made Vocal by my Song, and taught his Praise. Here follows the Reading of some Book or part of a Book Discoursing on and exciting to MORAL VIRTUR Petition. Prel. In as much as by Reason of our Ignorance We cannot be Certain that many Things Which we often hear mentioned in the Petitions of Men to the Deity, would prove REAL GOODS if they were in our Possession, and as I have Reason to hope and believe that the Goodness of my Heavenly Father will not withold from me a suitable Share of Temporal Blessings, if by a VIRTUOUS and HOLY Life I merit his Favour and Kindness, Therefore I presume not to ask such Things, but rather Humbly, and with a sincere Heart express my earnest Desires that he would graciously assist my Continual Endeavours and Resolutions of eschewing Vice and embracing Virtue; Which kind of Supplications will at least be thus far beneficial, as they remind me in a solemn manner of my Extensive DUTY. That I may be preserved from Atheism and Infidelity, Impiety and Profaneness, and in my Addresses to Thee carefully avoid Irreverence and Ostentation, Formality and odious Hypocrisy, Help me, O Father That I may be loyal to my Prince, and faithful to my Country, careful for its Good, valiant in its Defence, and obedient to its Laws, abhorring Treason as much as Tyranny, Help me, O Father That I may to those above me be dutiful, humble, and submissive, avoiding Pride, Disrespect and Contumacy, Help me, O Father That I may to those below me, be gracious, Condescending and Forgiving, using Clemency, protecting _Innocent Distress_, avoiding Cruelty, Harshness and Oppression, Insolence and unreasonable Severity, Help me, O Father That I may refrain from Calumny and Detraction; that I may avoid and abhor Deceit and Envy, Fraud, Flattery and Hatred, Malice, Lying and Ingratitude, Help me, O Father That I may be sincere in Friendship, faithful in Trust, and impartial in Judgment, watchful against Pride, and against Anger (that momentary Madness), Help me, O Father That I may be just in all my Dealings and temperate in my Pleasures, full of Candour and Ingenuity, Humanity and Benevolence, Help me, O Father That I may be grateful to my Benefactors and generous to my Friends, exerting Charity and Liberality to the Poor, and Pity to the Miserable, Help me, O Father That I may avoid Avarice, Ambition, and Intemperance, Luxury and Lasciviousness, Help me, O Father That I may possess Integrity and Evenness of Mind, Resolution in Difficulties, and Fortitude under Affliction; that I may be punctual in performing my Promises, peaceable and prudent in my Behaviour, Help me, O Father That I may have Tenderness for the Weak, and a reverent Respect for the Ancient; That I may be kind to my Neighbours, good-natured to my Companions, and hospitable to Strangers, Help me, O Father That I may be averse to Craft and Overreaching, abhor Extortion, Perjury, and every kind of Wickedness, Help me, O Father That I may be honest and Openhearted, gentle, merciful and Good, chearful in Spirit, rejoicing in the Good of Others, Help me, O Father That I may have a constant Regard to Honour and Probity; That I may possess a perfect Innocence and a good Conscience, and at length become Truly Virtuous and Magnanimous, Help me, Good God, Help me, O Father And forasmuch as Ingratitude is one of the most odious of Vices, let me not be unmindful gratefully to acknoledge the Favours I receive from Heaven. Thanks. For Peace and Liberty, for Food and Raiment, for Corn and Wine, and Milk, and every kind of Healthful Nourishment, _Good God, I Thank thee._ For the Common Benefits of Air and Light, for useful Fire and delicious Water, _Good God, I Thank thee._ For Knowledge and Literature and every useful Art; for my Friends and their Prosperity, and for the fewness of my Enemies, _Good God, I Thank thee._ For all thy innumerable Benefits; For Life and Reason, and the Use of Speech, for Health and Joy and every Pleasant Hour, _my Good God, I thank thee._ End of the first Part. _Epitaph_ The Body of B. Franklin, Printer; Like the Cover of an old Book, Its Contents torn out, And stript of its Lettering and Gilding, Lies here, Food for Worms. But the Work shall not be wholly lost: For it will, as he believ'd, appear once more, In a new & more perfect Edition, Corrected and amended By the Author. He was born Jan. 6. 1706. Died 17 1728 _The Busy-Body, No. 1_ Mr. _Andrew Bradford_, I design this to acquaint you, that I, who have long been one of your _Courteous Readers_, have lately entertain'd some Thoughts of setting up for an Author my Self; not out of the least Vanity, I assure you, or Desire of showing my Parts, but purely for the Good of my Country. I have often observ'd with Concern, that your _Mercury_ is not always equally entertaining. The Delay of Ships expected in, and want of fresh Advices from _Europe_, make it frequently very Dull; and I find the Freezing of our River has the same Effect on News as on Trade. -- With more Concern have I continually observ'd the growing Vices and Follies of my Country-folk. And tho' Reformation is properly the concern of every Man; that is, _Every one ought to mend One_; yet 'tis too true in this Case, that _what is every Body's Business is no Body's Business_, and the Business is done accordingly. I, therefore, upon mature Deliberation, think fit to take _no Body's Business_ wholly into my own Hands; and, out of Zeal for the Publick Good, design to erect my Self into a Kind of _Censor Morum_; proposing with your Allowance, to make Use of the _Weekly Mercury_ as a Vehicle in which my Remonstrances shall be convey'd to the World. I am sensible I have, in this Particular, undertaken a very unthankful Office, and expect little besides my Labour for my Pains. Nay, 'tis probable I may displease a great Number of your Readers, who will not very well like to pay 10 s a Year for being told of their Faults. But as most People delight in Censure when they themselves are not the Objects of it, if any are offended at my publickly exposing their private Vices, I promise they shall have the Satisfaction, in a very little Time, of seeing their good Friends and Neighbours in the same Circumstances. However, let the Fair Sex be assur'd, that I shall always treat them and their Affairs with the utmost _Decency_ and Respect. I intend now and then to dedicate a Chapter wholly to their Service; and if my Lectures any Way contribute to the Embellishment of their Minds, and Brightning of their Understandings, without offending their _Modesty_, I doubt not of having their Favour and Encouragement. 'Tis certain, that no Country in the World produces naturally finer Spirits than ours, Men of Genius for every kind of Science, and capable of acquiring to Perfection every Qualification that is in Esteem among Mankind. But as few here have the Advantage of good Books, for want of which, good Conversation is still more scarce, it would doubtless have been very acceptable to your Readers, if, instead of an old out-of-date Article from _Muscovy_ or _Hungary_, you had entertained them with some well-chosen Extract from a good Author. This I shall sometimes do, _when I happen to have nothing of my own to say that I think of more Consequence._ Sometimes, I propose to deliver Lectures of Morality or Philosophy, and (because I am naturally enclin'd to be meddling with Things that don't concern me) perhaps I may sometimes talk Politicks. And if I can by any means furnish out a Weekly Entertainment for the Publick, that will give a rational Diversion, and at the same Time be instructive to the Readers, I shall think my Leisure Hours well employ'd: And if you publish this I hereby invite all ingenious Gentlemen and others, (that approve of such an Undertaking) to my Assistance and Correspondence. 'Tis like by this Time you have a Curiosity to be acquainted with my Name and Character. As I do not aim at publick Praise I design to remain concealed; and there are such Numbers of our Family and Relations at this Time in the Country, that tho' I've sign'd my Name at full Length, I am not under the least Apprehension of being distinguish'd and discover'd by it. My Character indeed I would favour you with, but that I am cautious of praising my Self, lest I should be told _my Trumpeter's dead_: And I cannot find in my Heart, at present, to say any Thing to my own Disadvantage. It is very common with Authors in their First Performances to talk to their Readers thus, _If this meets with a SUITABLE _Reception_; Or, _If this should meet with DUE _Encouragement, I shall hereafter publish, &c._ This only manifests the Value they put on their own Writings, since they think to frighten the Publick into their Applause, by threatning, that unless you approve what they have already wrote, they intend never to write again; when perhaps, it mayn't be a Pin Matter whether they ever do or no. As I have not observ'd the Criticks to be more favourable on this Account, I shall always avoid saying any Thing of the Kind; and conclude with telling you, that if you send me a Bottle of Ink and a Quire of Paper by the Bearer, you may depend on hearing further from SIR, Your most humble Servant _The Busy Body._ _No 1_. _The American Weekly Mercury_, February 4, 1728/9 _The Busy-Body, No. 2_ _All Fools have still an Itching to deride; And fain would be upon the laughing Side._ Pope. Monsieur _Rochefocaut_ tells us somewhere in his Memoirs, that the Prince of _Conde_ delighted much in Ridicule; and us'd frequently to shut himself up for Half a Day together in his Chamber with a Gentleman that was his Favourite, purposely to divert himself with examining what was the Foible or ridiculous side of every Noted Person in the Court. That Gentleman said afterwards in some Company, that he thought nothing was more ridiculous in any Body, than this same Humour in the Prince; and I am somewhat inclin'd to be of his Opinion. The General Tendency there is among us to this Embellishment, (which I fear has too often been grossly imposed upon my loving Countrymen instead of Wit) and the Applause it meets with from a rising Generation, fill me with fearful Apprehensions for the future Reputation of my Country: A young Man of Modesty (which is the most certain Indication of large Capacities) is hereby discourag'd from attempting to make any Figure in Life: His Apprehensions of being out-laugh'd, will force him to continue in a restless Obscurity, without having an Opportunity of knowing his own Merit himself, or discovering it to the World, rather than venture to expose himself in a Place where a Pun or a Sneer shall pass for Wit, Noise for Reason, and the Strength of the Argument be judg'd by that of the Lungs. Among these witty Gentlemen let us take a View of _Ridentius_: What a contemptible Figure does he make with his Train of paultry Admirers? This Wight shall give himself an Hours Diversion with the Cock of a Man's Hat, the Heels of his Shoes, an unguarded Expression in his Discourse, or even some Personal Defect; and the Height of his low Ambition is to put some One of the Company to the Blush, who perhaps must pay an equal Share of the Reckoning with himself. If such a Fellow makes Laughing the sole End and Purpose of his Life, if it is necessary to his Constitution, or if he has a great Desire of growing suddenly fat, let him treat; let him give publick Notice where any dull stupid Rogues may get a Quart of Four-penny for being laugh'd at; but 'tis barbarously unhandsome, when Friends meet for the Benefit of Conversation, and a proper Relaxation from Business, that one should be the _Butt_ of the Company, and Four Men made merry at the Cost of the Fifth. How different from this Character is that of the good-natur'd gay _Eugenius_? who never spoke yet but with a Design to divert and please; and who was never yet baulk'd in his Intention. _Eugenius_ takes more Delight in applying the Wit of his Friends, than in being admir'd himself: And if any one of the Company is so unfortunate as to be touch'd a little too nearly, he will make Use of some ingenious Artifice to turn the Edge of Ridicule another Way, chusing rather to make even himself a publick Jest, than be at the Pain of seeing his Friend in Confusion. Among the Tribe of Laughers I reckon the _pretty Gentlemen_ that write _Satyrs_, and carry them about in their Pockets, reading them themselves in all Company they happen into; taking an Advantage of the ill Taste of the Town, to make themselves famous for a Pack of paultry low Nonsence, for which they deserve to be kick'd, rather than admir'd, by all who have the least Tincture of Politeness. These I take to be the most incorrigible of all my Readers; nay I expect they will be squibbing at the _BUSY-BODY_ himself: However the only Favour he begs of them is this; that if they cannot controul their over-bearing Itch of _Scribbling_, let him be attack'd in down right _BITING LYRICKS_; for there is no _Satyr_ he Dreads half so much as an Attempt towards a Panegyrick. _The American Weekly Mercury_, February 11, 1728/9 _The Busy-Body, No. 3_ _Non vultus instantis Tyranni Mente quatit solida -- neque Auster Dux inquieti turbidus Adriae, Nec fulminantis magna Jovis manus._ Hor. It is said that the _Persians_ in their ancient Constitution, had publick Schools in which Virtue was taught as a Liberal Art or Science; and it is certainly of more Consequence to a Man that he has learnt to govern his Passions; in spite of Temptation to be just in his Dealings, to be Temperate in his Pleasures, to support himself with Fortitude under his Misfortunes, to behave with Prudence in all Affairs and in every Circumstance of Life; I say, it is of much more real Advantage to him to be thus qualified, than to be a Master of all the Arts and Sciences in the World beside. _Virtue alone is sufficient to make a Man Great, Glorious and Happy._ -- He that is acquainted with _CATO_, as I am, cannot help thinking as I do now, and will acknowledge he deserves the Name without being honour'd by it. _Cato_ is a Man whom Fortune has plac'd in the most obscure Part of the Country. His Circumstances are such as only put him above Necessity, without affording him many Superfluities; Yet who is greater than _Cato_? -- I happened but the other Day to be at a House in Town, where among others were met Men of the most Note in this Place: _Cato_ had Business with some of them, and knock'd at the Door. The most trifling Actions of a Man, in my Opinion, as well as the smallest Features and Lineaments of the Face, give a nice Observer some Notion of his Mind. Methought he rapp'd in such a peculiar Manner, as seem'd of itself to express, there was One who deserv'd as well as desir'd Admission. He appear'd in the plainest Country Garb; his Great Coat was coarse and looked old and thread-bare; his Linnen was homespun; his Beard perhaps of Seven Days Growth, his Shoes thick and heavy, and every Part of his Dress corresponding. Why was this Man receiv'd with such concurring Respect from every Person in the Room, even from those who had never known him or seen him before? It was not an exquisite Form of Person, or Grandeur of Dress that struck us with Admiration. I believe long Habits of Virtue have a sensible Effect on the Countenance: There was something in the Air of his Face that manifested the true Greatness of his Mind; which likewise appear'd in all he said, and in every Part of his Behaviour, obliging us to regard him with a Kind of Veneration. His Aspect is sweetned with Humanity and Benevolence, and at the same Time emboldned with Resolution, equally free from a diffident Bashfulness and an unbecoming Assurance. The Consciousness of his own innate Worth and unshaken Integrity renders him calm and undaunted in the Presence of the most Great and Powerful, and upon the most extraordinary Occasions. His strict Justice and known Impartiality make him the Arbitrator and Decider of all Differences that arise for many Miles around him, without putting his Neighbours to the Charge, Perplexity and Uncertainty of Law-Suits. He always speaks the Thing he means, which he is never afraid or asham'd to do, because he knows he always means well; and therefore is never oblig'd to blush and feel the Confusion of finding himself detected in the Meanness of a Falshood. He never contrives Ill against his Neighbour, and therefore is never seen with a lowring suspicious Aspect. A mixture of Innocence and Wisdom makes him ever seriously chearful. His generous Hospitality to Strangers according to his Ability, his Goodness, his Charity, his Courage in the Cause of the Oppressed, his Fidelity in Friendship, his Humility, his Honesty and Sincerity, his Moderation and his Loyalty to the Government, his Piety, his Temperance, his Love to Mankind, his Magnanimity, his Publick-spiritedness, and in fine, his _Consummate Virtue_, make him justly deserve to be esteem'd the Glory of his Country. ------ _The Brave do never shun the Light, Just are their Thoughts and open are their Tempers; Freely without Disguise they love and hate; Still are they found in the fair Face of Day, And Heaven and Men are Judges of their Actions._ Rowe. Who would not rather chuse, if it were in his Choice, to merit the above Character, than be the richest, the most learned, or the most powerful Man in the Province without it? Almost every Man has a strong natural Desire of being valu'd and esteem'd by the rest of his Species; but I am concern'd and griev'd to see how few fall into the Right and only infallible Method of becoming so. That laudable Ambition is too commonly misapply'd and often ill employ'd. Some to make themselves considerable pursue Learning, others grasp at Wealth, some aim at being thought witty, and others are only careful to make the most of an handsome Person; But what is Wit, or Wealth, or Form, or Learning when compar'd with Virtue? 'Tis true, we love the handsome, we applaud the Learned, and we fear the Rich and Powerful; but we even Worship and adore the Virtuous. -- Nor is it strange; since Men of Virtue, are so rare, so very rare to be found. If we were as industrious to become Good, as to make ourselves Great, we should become really Great by being Good, and the Number of valuable Men would be much increased; but it is a Grand Mistake to think of being Great without Goodness; and I pronounce it as certain, _that there was never yet a truly Great Man that was not at the same Time truly Virtuous._ O _Cretico_! Thou sowre Philosopher! Thou cunning States-man! Thou art crafty, but far from being Wise. When wilt thou be esteem'd, regarded and belov'd like _Cato_? When wilt thou, among thy Creatures meet with that unfeign'd Respect and warm Good-will that all Men have for him? Wilt thou never understand that the cringing, mean, submissive Deportment of thy Dependants, is (like the Worship paid by _Indians_ to the Devil) rather thro' Fear of the Harm thou may'st do to them, than out of Gratitude for the Favours they have receiv'd of thee? -- Thou art not wholly void of Virtue; there are many good Things in thee, and many good Actions reported of thee. Be advised by thy Friend: Neglect those musty Authors; let them be cover'd with Dust, and moulder on their proper Shelves; and do thou apply thy self to a Study much more profitable, The Knowledge of Mankind, and of thy Self. _This is to give Notice that the BUSY-BODY strictly forbids all Persons, from this Time forward, of what Age, Sex, Rank, Quality, Degree or Denomination soever, on any Pretence to enquire who is the Author of this Paper, on Pain of his Displeasure, (his own near and Dear Relations only excepted)._ _'Tis to be observ'd that if any bad Characters happen to be drawn in the Course of these Papers, they mean no particular Person, if they are not particularly apply'd._ _Likewise that the Author is no Partyman, but a general Meddler._ N. B. Cretico _lives in a neighbouring Province_. _The American Weekly Mercury_, February 18, 1728/9 _The Busy-Body, No. 4_ _Nequid nimis._ In my first Paper I invited the Learned and the Ingenious to join with me in this Undertaking; and I now repeat that Invitation. I would have such Gentlemen take this Opportunity, (by trying their Talent in Writing) of diverting themselves and their Friends, and improving the Taste of the Town. And because I would encourage all Wit of our own Growth and Produce, I hereby promise, that whoever shall send me a little Essay on some moral or other Subject, that is fit for publick View in this Manner (and not basely borrow'd from any other Author) I shall receive it with Candour, and take Care to place it to the best Advantage. It will be hard if we cannot muster up in the whole Country, a sufficient Stock of Sense to supply the _Busy-Body_ at least for a Twelvemonth. For my own Part, I have already profess'd that I have the Good of my Country wholly at Heart in this Design, without the least sinister View; my chief Purpose being to inculcate the noble Principles of Virtue, and depreciate Vice of every kind. But as I know the Mob hate Instruction, and the Generality would never read beyond the first Line of my Lectures, if they were usually fill'd with nothing but wholesome Precepts and Advice; I must therefore sometimes humour them in their own Way. There are a Set of Great Names in the Province, who are the common Objects of Popular Dislike. If I can now and then overcome my Reluctance, and prevail with my self to Satyrize a little, one of these Gentlemen, the Expectation of meeting with such a Gratification, will induce many to read me through, who would otherwise proceed immediately to the Foreign News. As I am very well assured that the greatest Men among us have a sincere Love for their Country, notwithstanding its Ingratitude, and the Insinuations of the Envious and Malicious to the contrary, so I doubt not but they will chearfully tolerate me in the Liberty I design to take for the End above mentioned. As yet I have but few Correspondents, tho' they begin now to increase. The following Letter, left for me at the Printers, is one of the first I have receiv'd, which I regard the more for that it comes from one of the Fair Sex, and because I have my self oftentimes suffer'd under the Grievance therein complain'd of. _To the Busy-Body._ _Sir,_ `You having set your self up for a _Censuror Morum_ (as I think you call it) which is said to mean a _Reformer of Manners_, I know no Person more proper to be apply'd to for Redress in all the Grievances we suffer from _Want of Manners_ in some People. You must know I am a single Woman, and keep a Shop in this Town for a Livelyhood. There is a certain Neighbour of mine, who is really agreeable Company enough, and with whom I have had an Intimacy of some Time standing; But of late she makes her Visits so excessively often, and stays so very long every Visit, that I am tir'd out of all Patience. I have no Manner of Time at all to my self; and you, who seem to be a wise Man, must needs be sensible that every Person has little Secrets and Privacies that are not proper to be expos'd even to the nearest Friend. Now I cannot do the least Thing in the World, but she must know all about it; and it is a Wonder I have found an Opportunity to write you this Letter. My Misfortune is, that I respect her very well, and know not how to disoblige her so much as to tell her I should be glad to have less of her Company; for if I should once hint such a Thing, I am afraid she would resent it so as never to darken my Door again. -- But, alas, Sir, I have not yet told you half my Afflictions. She has two Children that are just big enough to run about and do pretty Mischief: These are continually along with _Mamma_, either in my Room or Shop, if I have never so many Customers or People with me about Business. Sometimes they pull the Goods off my low Shelves down to the Ground, and perhaps where one of them has just been making Water; My Friend takes up the Stuff, and cries, _Eh! thou little wicked mischievous Rogue! -- But however, it has done no great Damage; 'tis only wet a little_; and so puts it up upon the Shelf again. Sometimes they get to my Cask of Nails behind the Counter, and divert themselves, to my great Vexation, with mixing my Ten-penny and Eight-penny and Four-penny together. I Endeavour to conceal my Uneasiness as much as possible, and with a grave Look go to Sorting them out. She cries, _Don't thee trouble thy self, Neighbour: Let them play a little; I'll put all to rights my self before I go._ But Things are never so put to rights but that I find a great deal of Work to do after they are gone. Thus, Sir, I have all the Trouble and Pesterment of Children, without the Pleasure of -- calling them my own; and they are now so us'd to being here that they will be content no where else. If she would have been so kind as to have moderated her Visits to ten times a Day, and stay'd but half an hour at a Time, I should have been contented, and I believe never have given you this Trouble: But this very Morning they have so tormented me that I could bear no longer; For while the Mother was asking me twenty impertinent Questions, the youngest got to my Nails, and with great Delight rattled them by handfuls all over the Floor; and the other at the same Time made such a terrible Din upon my Counter with a Hammer, that I grew half distracted. I was just then about to make my self a new Suit of Pinners, but in the Fret and Confusion I cut it quite out of all Manner of Shape, and utterly spoil'd a Piece of the first Muslin. Pray, Sir, tell me what I shall do. And talk a little against such unreasonable Visiting in your next Paper: Tho' I would not have her affronted with me for a great Deal, for sincerely I love her and her Children as well I think, as a Neighbour can, and she buys a great many Things in a Year at my Shop. But I would beg her to consider that she uses me unmercifully; Tho' I believe it is only for want of Thought. -- But I have twenty Things more to tell you besides all this; There is a handsome Gentleman that has a Mind (I don't question) to make love to me, but he can't get the least Opportunity to -- : O dear, here she comes again; -- I must conclude Yours, &c. Patience.' Indeed, 'tis well enough, as it happens, that _she is come_, to shorten this Complaint which I think is full long enough already, and probably would otherwise have been as long again. However, I must confess I cannot help pitying my Correspondent's Case, and in her Behalf exhort the Visitor to remember and consider the Words of the Wise Man, _Withdraw thy Foot from the House of thy Neighbour least he grow weary of thee, and so hate thee._ It is, I believe, a nice thing and very difficult, to regulate our Visits in such a Manner, as never to give Offence by coming too seldom, or too often, or departing too abruptly, or staying too long. However, in my Opinion, it is safest for most People, in a general way, who are unwilling to disoblige, to visit seldom, and tarry but a little while in a Place; notwithstanding pressing Invitations, which are many times insincere. And tho' more of your Company should be really desir'd; yet in this Case, too much Reservedness is a Fault more easily excus'd than the Contrary. Men are subjected to various Inconveniences meerly through lack of a small Share of Courage, which is a Quality very necessary in the common Occurences of Life, as well as in a Battle. How many Impertinences do we daily suffer with great Uneasiness, because we have not Courage enough to discover our Dislike? And why may not a Man use the Boldness and Freedom of telling his Friends that their long Visits sometimes incommode him? -- On this Occasion, it may be entertaining to some of my Readers, if I acquaint them with the _Turkish_ Manner of entertaining Visitors, which I have from an Author of unquestionable Veracity; who assures us, that even the Turks are not so ignorant of Civility, and the Arts of Endearment, but that they can practice them with as much Exactness as any other Nation, whenever they have a Mind to shew themselves obliging. `When you visit a Person of Quality, (says he) and have talk'd over your Business, or the Complements, or whatever Concern brought you thither, he makes a Sign to have Things serv'd in for the Entertainment, which is generally, a little Sweetmeat, a Dish of Sherbet, and another of Coffee; all which are immediately brought in by the Servants, and tender'd to all the Guests in Order, with the greatest Care and Awfulness imaginable. At last comes the finishing Part of your Entertainment, which is, Perfuming the Beards of the Company; a Ceremony which is perform'd in this Manner. They have for the Purpose a small Silver Chaffing-Dish, cover'd with a Lid full of Holes, and fixed upon a handsome Plate. In this they put some fresh Coals, and upon them a piece of _Lignum Aloes_, and shutting it up, the Smoak immediately ascends with a grateful Odour thro' the Holes of the Cover. This Smoak is held under every one's Chin, and offer'd as it were a Sacrifice to his Beard. The bristly Idol soon receives the Reverence done to it, and so greedily takes in and incorporates the gummy Steam, that it retains the Savour of it, and may serve for a Nosegay a good while after. `This Ceremony may perhaps seem ridiculous at first hearing; but it passes among the _Turks_ for an high Gratification. And I will say this in its Vindication, that it's Design is very wise and useful. For it is understood to give a civil Dismission to the Visitants; intimating to them, that the Master of the House has Business to do, or some other Avocation, that permits them to go away as soon as they please; and the sooner after this Ceremony the better. By this Means you may, at any Time, without Offence, deliver your self from being detain'd from your Affairs by tedious and unseasonable Visits; and from being constrain'd to use that Piece of Hypocrisy so common in the World, of pressing those to stay longer with you, whom perhaps in your Heart you wish a great Way off for having troubled you so long already.' Thus far my Author. For my own Part, I have taken such a Fancy to this Turkish Custom, that for the future I shall put something like it in Practice. I have provided a Bottle of right French Brandy for the Men, and Citron-Water for the Ladies. After I have treated with a Dram, and presented a Pinch of my best Snuff, I expect all Company will retire, and leave me to pursue my Studies for the Good of the Publick. Advertisement. _I give Notice that I am now actually compiling, and design to publish in a short Time, the true History of the Rise, Growth and Progress of the renowned_ Tiff-Club. _All Persons who are acquainted with any Facts, Circumstances, Characters, Transactions,_ &c. _which will be requisite to the Perfecting and Embellishment of the said Work, are desired to communicate the same to the Author, and direct their Letters to be left with the Printer hereof._ The Letter sign'd _Would-be-something_ is come to hand. _The American Weekly Mercury_, February 25, 1728/9 _The Busy-Body, No. 5_ _Vos, O Patricius sanguis, quos vivere fas est Occipiti caeco, posticae occurrite sannae_. Persius. This Paper being design'd for a Terror to Evil-Doers, as well as a Praise to them that do well, I am lifted up with secret Joy to find that my Undertaking is approved, and encourag'd by the Just and Good, and that few are against me but those who have Reason to fear me. There are little Follies in the Behaviour of most Men, which their best Friends are too tender to acquaint them with: There are little Vices and small Crimes which the Law has no Regard to, or Remedy for: There are likewise great Pieces of Villany sometimes so craftily accomplish'd, and so circumspectly guarded, that the Law can take no Hold of the Actors. All these Things, and all Things of this Nature, come within my Province as _CENSOR_, and I am determined not to be negligent of the Trust I have reposed in my self, but resolve to execute my Office diligently and Faithfully. And that all the World may judge with how much Humanity as well as Justice I shall behave in this Office; and that even my Enemies may be convinc'd I take no Delight to rake into the Dunghill Lives of vicious Men; and to the End that certain Persons may be a little eas'd of their Fears, and reliev'd from the terrible Palpitations they have lately felt and suffer'd, and do still suffer; I hereby graciously pass an Act of general Oblivion, for all Offences, Crimes and Misdemeanors of what Kind soever, committed from the Beginning of Year sixteen hundred and eighty one, until the Day of the Date of my first Paper; and promise only to concern my self with such as have been since and shall hereafter be committed. I shall take no Notice who has, (heretofore) rais'd a Fortune by Fraud and Oppression, nor who by Deceit and Hypocrisy: What Woman has been false to her good Husband's Bed; nor what Man has, by barbarous Usage or Neglect, broke the Heart of a faithful Wife, and wasted his Health and Substance in Debauchery: What base Wretch has betray'd his Friend, and sold his Honesty for Gold, nor what yet baser Wretch, first corrupted him and then bought the Bargain: All this, and much more of the same Kind I shall forget and pass over in Silence; -- but then it is to be observed that I expect and require a sudden and general Amendment. These Threatnings of mine I hope will have a good Effect, and, if regarded, may prevent abundance of Folly and Wickedness in others, and at the same Time save me abundance of Trouble. And that People may not flatter themselves with the Hopes of concealing their Misdemeanours from my Knowledge, and in that View persist in Evil-doing, I must acquaint them, that I have lately enter'd into an Intimacy with the extraordinary Person who some Time since wrote me the following Letter; and who, having a Wonderful Faculty that enables him to discover the most secret Iniquity, is capable of giving me great Assistance in my designed Work of Reformation. _Mr. Busy-Body_. `I rejoice Sir, at the Opportunity you have given me to be serviceable to you, and by your Means to this Province. You must know, that such have been the Circumstances of my Life, and such were the marvellous Concurrences of my Birth, that I have not only a Faculty of discovering the Actions of Persons that are absent or asleep; but even of the Devil himself in many of his secret Workings, in the various Shapes, Habits and Names of Men and Women. And having travel'd and conversed much and met but with a very few of the same Perceptions and Qualifications, I can recommend my Self to you as the most useful Man you can correspond with. My Father's Father's Father (for we had no Grandfathers in our Family) was the same _John Bunyan_ that writ that memorable Book _The Pilgrim's Progress_, who had in some Degree a natural Faculty of _Second Sight_. This Faculty (how derived to him, our Family Memoirs are not very clear) was enjoy'd by all his Descendants, but not by equal Talents -- 'Twas very dim in several of my first Cousins, and probably had been nearly extinct in our particular Branch, had not my Father been a Traveller -- He lived in his youthful Days in _New-England_. There he married, and there was born my elder Brother, who had so much of this Faculty, as to discover Witches in some of their occult Performances. My Parents transporting themselves to _Great Britain_ my second Brother's Birth was in that Kingdom -- He shared but a small Portion of this Virtue, being only able to discern Transactions about the Time, and for the most Part after their happening. My good Father, who delighted in the _Pilgrim's Progress_, and mountainous Places, took Shipping with his Wife for _Scotland_, and inhabited in the Highlands, where my Self was born; and whether the Soil, Climate or Astral Influences, of which are preserved divers Prognosticks, restored our Ancestors Natural Faculty of _Second Sight_, in a greater Lustre to me than it had shined in thro' several Generations, I will not here discuss. But so it is, that I am possess'd largely of it, and design if you encourage the Proposal, to take this Opportunity of doing good with it, which I question not will be accepted of in a grateful Way, by many of your honest Readers, Tho' the Discovery of my Extraction bodes me no Deference from your great Scholars and modern Philosophers. This my Father was long ago aware of, and lest the Name alone should hurt the Fortunes of his Children; he in his Shiftings from one Country to another wisely changed it. `Sir, I have only this further to say, how I may be useful to you & as a Reason for my not making my Self more known in the World: By Virtue of this Great Gift of Nature _Second-Sightedness_. I do continually see Numbers of Men, Women and Children of all Ranks, and what they are doing, while I am sitting in my Closet; which is too great a Burthen for the Mind, and makes me also conceit even against Reason, that all this Host of People can see and observe me, which strongly inclines me to Solitude and an obscure Living; and on the other Hand, it will be an Ease to me to disburthen my Thoughts and Observations in the Way proposed to you by, Sir, your Friend, and humble Servant. ------ ' I conceal this Correspondent's Name in my Care for his Life and Safety, and cannot but approve his Prudence in chusing to live obscurely. I remember the Fate of my poor Monkey: He had an ill-natur'd Trick of grinning and chattering at every Thing he saw in Pettycoats. My ignorant Country Neighbours got a Notion that _Pugg_ snarl'd by instinct at every Female who had lost her Virginity. This was no sooner generally believ'd than he was condemn'd to Death; By whom I could never learn, but he was assassinated in the Night, barbarously stabb'd and mangled in a Thousand Places, and left hanging dead on one of my Gate posts, where I found him the next Morning. _The_ Censor _observing that the_ Itch of Scribbling _begins to spread exceedingly, and being carefully tender of the Reputation of his Country in Point of_ Wit _and_ Good Sense, _has determined to take all manner of Writings, in Verse or Prose, that pretend to either, under his immediate Cognizance; and accordingly hereby prohibits the Publishing any such for the future, 'till they have first pass'd his Examination, and receiv'd his_ Imprimatur. _For which he demands as a Fee only 6_ d. _per Sheet_. N. B. _He nevertheless permits to be published all Satyrical Remarks on the_ Busy-Body, _the above Prohibition notwithstanding, and without Examination, or requiring the said Fees: which Indulgence the small Wits in and about this City are advised gratefully to accept and acknowledge. _The Gentleman who calls himself_ Sirronio, _is directed, on the Receipt of this, to burn his great Book of_ Crudities. P. S. _In Compassion to that young Man on Account of the great Pains he has taken; in Consideration of the Character I have just receiv'd of him, that he is really_ _Good-natured; _and on Condition he shows it to no Foreigner or Stranger of Sense, I have thought fit to reprieve his said_ _great Book of Crudities _from the Flames, 'till further Order_. _Noli me tangere_. I had resolved when I first commenc'd this Design, on no Account to enter into a publick Dispute with any Man; for I judg'd it would be equally unpleasant to me and my Readers, to see this Paper fill'd with contentious Wrangling, Answers, Replies, _&c_. which is a Way of Writing that is Endless, and at the same time seldom contains any Thing that is either edifying or entertaining. Yet when such a considerable Man as Mr. ------ finds himself concern'd so warmly to accuse and condemn me, as he has done in _Keimer_'s last _Instructor_, I cannot forbear endeavouring to say something in my own Defence, from one of the worst of Characters that could be given of me by a Man of Worth. But as I have many Things of more Consequence to offer the Publick, I declare that I will never, after this Time, take Notice of any Accusations not better supported with Truth and Reason; much less may every little Scribbler, that shall attack me, expect an Answer from the _Busy-Body_. The Sum of the _Charge deliver'd_ against me, either directly or indirectly in the said Paper, is this. Not to mention the first weighty Sentence concerning _Vanity and Ill-Nature_, and the shrew'd Intimation _that I am without Charity, and therefore can have no Pretence to Religion_, I am represented as guilty of _Defamation and Scandal, the Odiousness of which is apparent to every good Man, and the Practice of it opposite to Christianity, Morality, and common Justice, and in some Cases so far below all these as to be inhumane_. As a _Blaster of Reputations_. As _attempting by a Pretence to screen my Self from the Imputation of Malice and Prejudice_. As _using a Weapon which the Wiser and better Part of Mankind hold in Abhorrence_: And as _giving Treatment which the wiser and better Part of Mankind dislike on the same Principles, and for the same Reason as they do Assassination_. &c, And all this, is infer'd and concluded from a Character I wrote in my Number 3. In order to examine the Justice and Truth of this heavy Charge, let us recur to that Character. -- And here we may be surpriz'd to find what a Trifle has rais'd this mighty Clamour and Complaint, this Grievous Accusation! -- The worst Thing said of the Person, in what is called my gross Description, (be he who he will to whom my Accuser has apply'd the Character of _Cretico_) is, that he is a _sower Philosopher, crafty, but not wise_: Few Humane Characters can be drawn that will not fit some body, in so large a Country as this; But one would think, supposing I meant _Cretico_ a real Person, I had sufficiently manifested my impartiality, when I said in that very Paragraph, _That_ Cretico _is not without Virtue; that there are MANY good Things in him, and MANY good Actions reported of him_; Which must be allow'd in all Reason, very much to overballance in his Favour those worst Words, _sowre Temper'd_ and _cunning_. Nay my very Enemy and Accuser must have been sensible of this, when he freely acknowledges, _that he has been seriously considering, and cannot yet determine, which he would chuse to be, the_ Cato _or_ Cretico _of that Paper_: Since my _Cato_ is one of the best of Characters. Thus much in my own Vindication. As to the _only reasons_ there given why I ought not to continue drawing Characters, viz. _Why should any Man's Picture be published which he never sat for; or his good Name taken from him any more than his Money or Possessions at the arbitrary Will of another,_ &c? I have but this to answer. The Money or Possessions I presume are nothing to the Purpose, since no Man can claim a Right either to those or a good Name, if he has acted so as to forfeit them. And are not the Publick the only Judges what Share of Reputation they think proper to allow any Man? -- Supposing I was capable, and had an Inclination to draw all the good and bad Characters in _America_; Why should a good Man be offended with me for drawing good Characters? And if I draw Ill Ones, can they fit any but those that deserve them? And ought any _but such_ to be concern'd that they have their Deserts? I have as great an Aversion and Abhorrence from Defamation and Scandal as any Man, and would with the utmost Care avoid being guilty of such base Things: Besides I am very sensible and certain, that if I should make use of this Paper to defame any Person, my Reputation would be sooner hurt by it than his, and the _Busy-Body_ would quickly become detestable; because in such a Case, as is justly observ'd, _The Pleasure arising from a Taste of Wit and Novelty soon dies away in generous and Honest Minds, and is follow'd with a secret Grief to see their Neighbours calumniated_. But if I my self was actually the worst Man in the Province, and any one should draw my true Character, would it not be ridiculous in me to say, _he had defam'd and scandaliz'd me_; unless added, _in a Matter of Truth_? -- If any Thing is meant by asking, _Why any Man's Picture should be publish'd which he never sate for?_ It must be, that we should give no Character without the Owner's Consent. If I discern the Wolf disguis'd in harmless Wool, and contriving the Destruction of my Neighbour's Sheep, must I have his Permission before I am allow'd to discover and prevent him? If I know a Man to be a designing Knave, must I ask his Consent to bid my Friends beware of him? If so, Then by the same Rule, supposing the _Busy-Body_ had really merited all his Enemy has charg'd him with, his Consent likewise ought to have been obtain'd before so terrible an Accusation was published against him. I shall conclude with observing, that in the last Paragraph save one of the Piece now examin'd, much _ILL-NATURE_ and some Good Sense are _Co-inhabitants_, (as he expresses it.) The _Ill Nature_ appears, in his endeavouring to discover Satyr, where I intended no such Thing, but quite the Reverse: The good Sense is this, _that drawing too good a Character of any one, is a refined Manner of Satyr that may be as injurious to him as the contrary, by bringing on an Examination that undresses the Person, and in the Haste of doing it, he may happen to be stript of what he really owns and deserves_. As I am _Censor_, I might punish the first, but I forgive it. Yet I will not leave the latter unrewarded; but assure my Adversary, that in Consideration of the Merit of those four Lines, I am resolved to forbear _injuring_ him on any Account in that _refined Manner_. _I thank my Neighbour_ P -- w -- l _for his kind Letter_. The Lions complain'd of shall be muzzled. _The American Weekly Mercury_, March 4, 1728/9 _The Busy-Body, No. 8_ ------ _Quid non mortalia Pectora cogis Auri sacra Fames!_ Virgil. One of the greatest Pleasures an Author can have is certainly the Hearing his Works applauded. The hiding from the World our Names while we publish our Thoughts, is so absolutely necessary to this Self-Gratification, that I hope my Well-wishers will congratulate me on my Escape from the many diligent, but fruitless Enquires that have of late been made after me. Every Man will own, That an Author, as such, ought to be try'd by the Merit of his Productions only; but Pride, Party, and Prejudice at this Time run so very high, that Experience shews we form our Notions of a Piece by the Character of the Author. Nay there are some very humble Politicians in and about this City, who will ask on which Side the Writer is, before they presume to give their Opinion of the Thing wrote. This ungenerous Way of Proceeding I was well aware of before I publish'd my first Speculation; and therefore concealed my Name. And I appeal to the more generous Part of the World, if I have since I appear'd in the Character of the _Busy-Body_ given an Instance of my siding with any Party more than another, in the unhappy Divisions of my Country; and I have above all, this Satisfaction in my Self, That neither Affection, Aversion or Interest, have byass'd me to use any Partiality towards any Man, or Sett of Men; but whatsoever I find nonsensically ridiculous, or immorally dishonest, I have, and shall continue openly to attack with the Freedom of an honest Man, and a Lover of my Country. I profess I can hardly contain my Self, or preserve the Gravity and Dignity that should attend the _Censorial-Office_, when I hear the odd and unaccountable Expositions that are put upon some of my Works, thro' the malicious Ignorance of some, and the vain Pride of more than ordinary Penetration in others; one Instance of which many of my Readers are acquainted with. A certain Gentleman has taken a great Deal of Pains to write a _KEY_ to the Letter in my _No._ 4. wherein he has ingeniously converted a gentle Satyr upon tedious and impertinent Visitants into a Libel on some in the Government: This I mention only as a Specimen of the Taste of the Gentlemen, I am forsooth, bound to please in my Speculations, not that I suppose my Impartiality will ever be called in Question upon that Account. Injustices of this Nature I could complain of in many Instancies; but I am at present diverted by the Reception of a Letter, which tho' it regards me only in my Private Capacity, as an Adept, yet I venture to publish it for the Entertainment of my Readers. To CENSOR MORUM, _Esq_; _Busy-Body_ General of the Province of _Pennsylvania_, and the Counties of _Newcastle_, _Kent_, and _Sussex_, upon _Delaware_. _Honourable Sir,_ `I judge by your Lucubrations, that you are not only a Lover of Truth and Equity, but a Man of Parts and Learning, and a Master of Science; as such I honour you. Know then, _Most profound Sir_, That I have from my Youth up, been a very indefatigable Student in, and Admirer of that Divine Science, _Astrology_. I have read over _Scot_, _Albertus Magnus_, and _Cornelius Agrippa_ above 300 Times; and was in hopes by my Knowledge and Industry, to gain enough to have recompenced me for my Money expended, and Time lost in the Pursuit of this Learning. You cannot be ignorant _Sir_, (for your intimate _Second sighted_ Correspondent knows all Things) that there are large Sums of Money hidden under Ground in divers Places about this Town, and in many Parts of the Country; But alas, Sir, Notwithstanding I have used all the Means laid down in the _immortal Authors_ before-mentioned, and when they fail'd, the ingenious Mr. _P -- d -- l_ with his _Mercurial Wand_ and _Magnet_, I have still fail'd in my Purpose. This therefore I send to Propose and desire an Acquaintance with you, and I do not doubt, notwithstanding my repeated Ill-Fortune, but we may be exceedingly serviceable to each other in our Discoveries; and that if we use our united Endeavours, the Time will come when the _Busy-Body_, his _Second-sighted Correspondent_, and _your very humble Servant_, will be Three of the richest Men in the Province: And then Sir, what may not we do? _A Word to the Wise is sufficient,_ I conclude with all demonstrable Respect, Yours, and _Urania_'s Votary, _Titan Pleiades_.' In the Evening after I had received this Letter, I made a Visit to my _Second-sighted_ Friend, and communicated to him the Proposal. When he had read it, he assur'd me, that to his certain Knowledge there is not at this Time so much as one Ounce of Silver or Gold hid under Ground in any Part of this Province, For that the late and present Scarcity of Money had obliged those who were living, and knew where they had formerly hid any, to take it up, and use it in their own necessary Affairs: And as to all the Rest which was buried by Pyrates and others in old Times, who were never like to come for it, he himself had long since dug it all up and applied it to charitable Uses, And this he desired me to publish for general Good. For, as he acquainted me, There are among us great Numbers of honest Artificers and labouring People, who fed with a vain Hope of growing suddenly rich, neglect their Business, almost to the ruining of themselves and Families, and voluntarily endure abundance of Fatigue in a fruitless Search after Imaginary hidden Treasure. They wander thro' the Woods and Bushes by Day, to discover the Marks and Signs; at Midnight they repair to the hopeful Spot with Spades and Pickaxes; full of Expectation they labour violently, trembling at the same Time in every Joint, thro' Fear of certain malicious Demons who are said to haunt and guard such Places. At length a mighty hole is dug, and perhaps several Cart-loads of Earth thrown out, but alas, no Cag or Iron Pot is found! no Seaman's Chest cram'd with Spanish Pistoles, or weighty Pieces of Eight! Then they conclude, that thro' some Mistake in the Procedure, some rash Word spoke, or some Rule of Art neglected, the Guardian Spirit had Power to sink it deeper into the Earth and convey it out of their Reach. Yet when a Man is once thus infatuated, he is so far from being discouraged by ill Success, that he is rather animated to double his Industry, and will try again and again in a Hundred Different Places, in Hopes at last of meeting with some lucky Hit, that shall at once Sufficiently reward him for all his Expence of Time and Labour. This odd Humour of Digging for Money thro' a Belief that much has been hid by Pirates formerly frequenting the River, has for several Years been mighty prevalent among us; insomuch that you can hardly walk half a Mile out of Town on any Side, without observing several Pits dug with that Design, and perhaps some lately opened. Men, otherwise of very good Sense, have been drawn into this Practice thro' an over weening Desire of sudden Wealth, and an easy Credulity of what they so earnestly wish'd might be true. While the rational and almost certain Methods of acquiring Riches by Industry and Frugality are neglected or forgotten. There seems to be some peculiar Charm in the conceit of _finding_ Money; and if the Sands of _Schuylkil_ were so much mixed with small Grains of Gold, that a Man might in a Day's Time with Care and Application get together to the Value of half a Crown, I make no Question but we should find several People employ'd there, that can with Ease earn Five Shillings a Day at their proper Trades. Many are the idle Stories told of the private Success of some People, by which others are encouraged to proceed; and the Astrologers, with whom the Country swarms at this Time, are either in the Belief of these things themselves, or find their Advantage in persuading others to believe them; for they are often consulted about the critical Times for Digging, the Methods of laying the Spirit, and the like Whimseys, which renders them very necessary to and very much caress'd by the poor deluded _Money-hunters_. There is certainly something very bewitching in the Pursuit after Mines of Gold and Silver, and other valuable Metals; And many have been ruined by it. A Sea Captain of my Acquaintance used to blame the _English_ for envying _Spain_ their Mines of Silver; and too much despising or overlooking the Advantages of their own Industry and Manufactures. For my Part, says he, I esteem the Banks of _Newfoundland_ to be a more valuable Possession than the Mountains of _Potosi_; and when I have been there on the Fishing Account, have look'd upon every Cod puli'd up into the Vessel as a certain Quantity of Silver Ore, which required only carrying to the next _Spanish_ Port to be coin'd into Pieces of Eight; not to mention the _National Profit_ of fitting out and Employing such a Number of Ships and Seamen. Let honest _Peter Buckrum_, who has long without Success been a Searcher after hidden Money, reflect on this, and be reclaimed from that unaccountable Folly. Let him consider that every Stitch he takes when he is on his Shop-board, is picking up part of a Grain of Gold that will in a few Days Time amount to a Pistole; And let _Faber_ think the same of every Nail he drives, or every Stroke with his Plain. Such Thoughts may make them industrious, and of consequence in Time they may be Wealthy. But how absurd is it to neglect a certain Profit for such a ridiculous Whimsey: To spend whole Days at the _George_, in company with an idle Pretender to Astrology, contriving Schemes to discover what was never hidden, and forgetful how carelessly Business is managed at Home in their Absence: To leave their Wives and a warm Bed at Midnight (no matter if it rain, hail, snow or blow a Hurricane, provided that be the critical Hour) and fatigue themselves with the Violent Exercise of Digging for what they shall never find, and perhaps getting a Cold that may cost their Lives, or at least disordering themselves so as to be fit for no Business beside for some Days after. Surely this is nothing less than the most egregious Folly and Madness. I shall conclude with the Words of my discreet Friend _Agricola_, of _Chester_-County, when he gave his Son a Good Plantation, _My Son,_ says he, _I give thee now a Valuable Parcel of Land; I assure thee I have found a considerable Quantity of Gold by Digging there; -- Thee mayst do the same. -- But thee must carefully observe this, Never to dig more than Plow-deep_. _Monday Night, March_ 24. I have received Letters lately from several considerable Men, earnestly urging me to write on the Subject of _Paper-Money_; and containing very severe Reflections on some Gentlemen, who are said to be Opposers of that Currency. I must desire to be excus'd if I decline publishing any Thing lent to me at this Juncture, that may add Fuel to the Flame, or aggravate that Management that has already sufficiently exasperated the Minds of the People. The Subject of _Paper Currency_ is in it self very intricate, and I believe, understood by Few; I mean as to its Consequences _in Futurum_: And tho' much might be said on that Head, I apprehend it to be the less necessary for me to handle it at this Time, because _EXPERIENCE_, (more prevalent than all the _Logic_ in the World) has fully convinced us all, that it has been, and is now of the greatest Advantage to the Country: Not only those who were once doubtful are intirely of this Opinion, but the very Gentlemen who were at first most violent Enemies to that _Currency_, have lately, (particularly about the Time of the last Election) declared, freely, both in private Conversation, and publickly in Print, _That they now are heartily for it; that they are sensible it has been a great Benefit to the Country; and that it has not now one Opponent that they know of._ They have likewise assured us, _That the Governour is a zealous Friend to it_; and I do not understand that any material Reason is given for the Additional Bill's not passing, but this. _That it is contrary to the Constituents Orders from Home_. If this be the Case, I see nothing further in it but this; that those Gentlemen who in their Zeal for the Good of their Country, formerly oppos'd _Paper-Money_, when they thought it would prove hurtful, and by their powerful Representations procured those Orders from Home, but now being better acquainted with its Usefulness, and sensible how much it is to our Advantage to have such a Currency, are become hearty Friends to it; I say, nothing remains, but that those Gentlemen join as heartily with the Representative Body of the Country to endeavour, by different Representations, a Revocation of those Orders: And in the mean Time, as it is certain They would be pleased at Home to see this Province in Prosperity, so without Doubt there is no Man so unreasonable among them, supposing that Act should now pass, as to imagine, that the whole Country united is entirely ignorant of its own true Interest. And the Interest of the Country is the same, I presume, with that of the Proprietary. 'Tis true indeed, I am not satisfied that it is for our Advantage to rest contented with _Paper-Money_ for ever, without endeavouring to recover our Silver and Gold; which may be done without much Difficulty, (as I shall shew in some future Papers) if those who have the Management of Publick Affairs should have no Interests to pursue separate from those of their Country. Yet at this Time it seems absolutely necessary to have a large Additional Sum struck for the Relief of the People in their present miserable Circumstances, and until such Methods of Trade are thought on, and put in Practice, as will make that Currency needless; which I hope the Legislature will as soon as possible take into their Consideration. And in the mean Time I cannot but think it commendable in every honest _Thinking_ Man, to publish his Sentiments on this Head, to the End such Methods may be chose and fallen upon as will appear most conducive. Unhappy is the Case of that good Gentleman, our Governor, who sees a flourishing Province sinking under his Administration into the most wretched and deplorable Circumstances; and while no Good-will is wanting in him to wards us and our Welfare, finds his Hands are tyed, and that without deviating from his Instructions, it is not in his Power to help us. The whole Country is at this Instant filled with the greatest Heat and Animosity; and if there are yet among us any Opposers of a _Paper-Currency_, it is probable the Resentments of the People point at them; and tho' I must earnestly exhort my Countrymen to Peace and Quietness, for that publick Disturbances are seldom known to be attended with any good Consequence; yet I cannot but think it would be highly prudent in those Gentlemen with all Expedition to publish such Vindications of themselves and their Actions, as will sufficiently clear them in the Eyes of all reasonable Men, from the Imputation of having a Design to engross the Property of the Country, and make themselves and their Posterity Lords, and the Bulk of the Inhabitants their Tenants and Vassals; which Design they are everywhere openly accused of. And such a Vindication is the more necessary at this Time, because if the People are once convinced there is no such Scheme on Foot, (and Truth without Doubt will prevail) it may exceedingly tend to the Settlement of their Minds, the Abatement of their Heats, and the Establishment of Peace, Love, and Unity, and all the Social Virtues. _The American Weekly Mercury_, March 27, 1729 _A Modest Enquiry into the Nature and Necessity of a Paper-Currency_ ------ _Quid asper Utile Nummus habet; patriae, charisq; propinquis Quantum elargiri deceat._ ------ Pers. There is no Science, the Study of which is more useful and commendable than the Knowledge of the true Interest of one's Country; and perhaps there is no Kind of Learning more abstruse and intricate, more difficult to acquire in any Degree of Perfection than This, and therefore none more generally neglected. Hence it is, that we every Day find Men in Conversation contending warmly on some Point in Politicks, which, altho' it may nearly concern them both, neither of them understand any more than they do each other. Thus much by way of Apology for this present _Enquiry into the Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency_. And if any Thing I shall say, may be a Means of fixing a Subject that is now the chief Concern of my Countrymen, in a clearer Light, I shall have the Satisfaction of thinking my Time and Pains well employed. To proceed, then, _There is a certain proportionate Quantity of Money requisite to carry on the Trade of a Country freely and currently; More than which would be of no Advantage in Trade, and Less, if much less, exceedingly detrimental to it._ This leads us to the following general Considerations. First, _A great Want of Money in any Trading Country, occasions Interest to be at a very high Rate_. And here it may be observed, that it is impossible by any Laws to restrain Men from giving and receiving exorbitant Interest, where Money is suitably scarce: For he that wants Money will find out Ways to give 10 _per Cent_. when he cannot have it for less, altho' the Law forbids to take more than 6 _per Cent._ Now the Interest of Money being high is prejudicial to a Country several Ways: It makes Land bear a low Price, because few Men will lay out their Money in Land, when they can make a much greater Profit by lending it out upon Interest: And much less will Men be inclined to venture their Money at Sea, when they can, without Risque or Hazard, have a great and certain Profit by keeping it at home; thus Trade is discouraged. And if in two Neigbouring Countries the Traders of one, by Reason of a greater Plenty of Money, can borrow it to trade with at a lower Rate than the Traders of the other, they will infallibly have the Advantage, and get the greatest Part of that Trade into their own Hands; For he that trades with Money he hath borrowed at 8 or 10 _per Cent._ cannot hold Market with him that borrows his Money at 6 or 4. -- On the contrary, _A plentiful Currency will occasion Interest to be low:_ And this will be an Inducement to many to lay out their Money in Lands, rather than put it out to Use, by which means Land will begin to rise in Value and bear a better Price: And at the same Time it will tend to enliven Trade exceedingly, because People will find more Profit in employing their Money that Way than in Usury; and many that understand Business very well, but have not a Stock sufficient of their own, will be encouraged to borrow Money to trade with, when they can have it at moderate Interest. Secondly, _Want of Money in a Country reduces the Price of that Part of its Produce which is used in Trade:_ Because Trade being discouraged by it as above, there is a much less Demand for that Produce. And this is another Reason why Land in such a Case will be low, especially where the Staple Commodity of the Country is the immediate Produce of the Land, because that Produce being low, fewer People find an Advantage in Husbandry, or the Improvement of Land. -- On the contrary, _A Plentiful Currency will occasion the Trading Produce to bear a good Price:_ Because Trade being encouraged and advanced by it, there will be a much greater Demand for that Produce; which will be a great Encouragement of Husbandry and Tillage, and consequently make Land more valuable, for that many People would apply themselves to Husbandry, who probably might otherwise have sought some more profitable Employment. As we have already experienced how much the Increase of our Currency by what Paper Money has been made, has encouraged our Trade; particularly to instance only in one Article, _Ship-Building_; it may not be amiss to observe under this Head, what a great Advantage it must be to us as a Trading Country, that has Workmen and all the Materials proper for that Business within itself, to have _Ship-Building_ as much as possible advanced: For every Ship that is built here for the _English_ Merchants, gains the Province her clear Value in Gold and Silver, which must otherwise have been sent Home for Returns in her Stead; and likewise, every Ship built in and belonging to the Province, not only saves the Province her first Cost, but all the Freight, Wages and Provisions she ever makes or requires as long as she lasts; provided Care is taken to make This her _Pay Port_, and that she always takes Provisions with her for the whole Voyage, which may easily be done. And how considerable an Article this is yearly in our Favour, every one, the least acquainted with mercantile Affairs, must needs be sensible; for if we could not Build our selves, we must either purchase so many Vessels as we want from other Countries, or else Hire them to carry our Produce to Market, which would be more expensive than Purchasing, and on many other Accounts exceedingly to our Loss. Now as Trade in general will decline where there is not a plentiful Currency, so _Ship-Building_ must certainly of Consequence decline where Trade is declining. Thirdly, _Want of Money in a Country discourages Labouring and Handicrafts Men (which are the chief Strength and Support of a People) from coming to settle in it, and induces many that were settled to leave the Country, and seek Entertainment and Employment in other Places, where they can be better paid_. For what can be more disheartning to an industrious labouring Man, than this, that after he hath earned his Bread with the Sweat of his Brows, he must spend as much Time, and have near as much Fatigue in getting it, as he had to earn it. _And nothing makes more bad Paymasters than a general Scarcity of Money_. And here again is a Third Reason for Land's bearing a low Price in such a Country, because Land always increases in Value in Proportion with the Increase of the People settling on it, there being so many more Buyers; and its Value will infallibly be diminished, if the Number of its Inhabitants diminish. -- On the contrary, _A Plentiful Currency will encourage great Numbers of Labouring and Handicrafts Men to come and Settle in the Country_, by the same Reason that a Want of it will discourage and drive them out. Now the more Inhabitants, the greater Demand for Land (as is said above) upon which it must necessarily rise in Value, and bear a better Price. The same may be said of the Value of House-Rent, which will be advanced for the same Reasons; and by the Increase of Trade and Riches People will be enabled to pay greater Rents. Now the Value of House-Rent rising, and Interest becoming low, many that in a Scarcity of Money practised Usury, will probably be more inclined to Building; which will likewise sensibly enliven Business in any Place; it being an Advantage not only to _Brickmakers_, _Bricklayers_, _Masons_, _Carpenters_, _Joiners_, _Glaziers_, and several other Trades immediately employ'd by Building, but likewise to _Farmers_, _Brewers_, _Bakers_, _Taylors_, _Shoemakers_, _Shop-keepers_, and in short to every one that they lay their Money out with. Fourthly, _Want of Money in such a Country as ours, occasions a greater Consumption of_ English _and_ European _Goods, in Proportion to the Number of the People, than there would otherwise be._ Because Merchants and Traders, by whom abundance of Artificers and labouring Men are employed, finding their other Affairs require what Money they can get into their hands, oblige those who work for them to take one half, or perhaps two thirds Goods in Pay. By this Means a greater Quantity of Goods are disposed of, and to a greater Value; because Working Men and their Families are thereby induced to be more profuse and extravagant in fine Apparel and the like, than they would be if they were obliged to pay ready Money for such Things after they had earn'd and received it, or if such Goods were not imposed upon them, of which they can make no other Use: For such People cannot send the Goods they are paid with to a Foreign Market, without losing considerably by having them sold for less than they stand 'em in here; neither can they easily dispose of them at Home, because their Neighbours are generally supplied in the same Manner; But how unreasonable would it be, if some of those very Men who _have been a Means_ of thus forcing People into unnecessary Expence, should be the first and most earnest in accusing them of _Pride and Prodigality._ Now tho' this extraordinary Consumption of Foreign Commodities may be a Profit to particular Men, yet the Country in general grows poorer by it apace. -- On the contrary, As _A plentiful Currency will occasion a less Consumption of_ European _Goods, in Proportion to the Number of the People,_ so it will be a means of making the Balance of our Trade more equal than it now is, if it does not give it in our Favour; because our own Produce will be encouraged at the same Time. And it is to be observed, that tho' less Foreign Commodities are consumed in Proportion to the Number of People, yet this will be no Disadvantage to the Merchant, because the Number of People increasing, will occasion an increasing Demand of more Foreign Goods in the Whole. Thus we have seen some of the many heavy Disadvantages a Country (especially such a Country as ours) must labour under, when it has not a sufficient Stock of running Cash to manage its Trade currently. And we have likewise seen some of the Advantages which accrue from having Money sufficient, or a Plentiful Currency. The foregoing Paragraphs being well considered, we shall naturally be led to draw the following Conclusions with Regard to what Persons will probably be for or against Emitting a large Additional Sum of Paper Bills in this Province. 1. Since Men will always be powerfully influenced in their Opinions and Actions by what appears to be their particular Interest: Therefore all those, who wanting Courage to venture in Trade, now practise Lending Money on Security for exorbitant Interest, which in a Scarcity of Money will be done notwithstanding the Law, I say all such will probably be against a large Addition to our present Stock of Paper-Money; because a plentiful Currency will lower Interest, and make it common to lend on less Security. 2. All those who are Possessors of large Sums of Money, and are disposed to purchase Land, which is attended with a great and sure Advantage in a growing Country as this is; I say, the Interest of all such Men will encline them to oppose a large Addition to our Money. Because their Wealth is now continually increasing by the large Interest they receive, which will enable them (if they can keep Land from rising) to purchase More some time hence than they can at present; and in the mean time all Trade being discouraged, not only those who borrow of them, but the Common People in general will be impoverished, and consequently obliged to sell More Land for less Money than they will do at present. And yet, after such Men are possessed of as much Land as they can purchase, it will then be their Interest to have Money made Plentiful, because that will immediately make Land rise in Value in _their_ Hands. Now it ought not to be wonder'd at, if People from the Knowledge of a Man's Interest do sometimes make a true Guess at his Designs; for, _Interest_, they say, _will not Lie._ 3. Lawyers, and others concerned in Court Business, will probably many of them be against a plentiful Currency; because People in that Case will have less Occasion to run in Debt, and consequently less Occasion to go to Law and Sue one another for their Debts. Tho' I know some even among these Gentlemen, that regard the Publick Good before their own apparent private Interest. 4. All those who are any way Dependants on such Persons as are above mentioned, whether as holding Offices, as Tenants, or as Debtors, must at least _appear_ to be against a large Addition; because if they do not, they must sensibly feel their present Interest hurt. And besides these, there are, doubtless, many well-meaning Gentlemen and Others, who, without any immediate private Interest of their own in View, are against making such an Addition, thro' an Opinion they may have of the Honesty and sound Judgment of some of their Friends that oppose it, (perhaps for the Ends aforesaid) without having given it any thorough Consideration themselves. And thus it is no Wonder if there is a _powerful_ Party on that Side. On the other Hand, Those who are Lovers of Trade, and delight to see Manufactures encouraged, will be for having a large Addition to our Currency: For they very well know, that People will have little Heart to advance Money in Trade, when what they can get is scarce sufficient to purchase Necessaries, and supply their Families with Provision. Much less will they lay it out in advancing new Manufactures; nor is it possible new Manufactures should turn to any Account, where there is not Money to pay the Workmen, who are discouraged by being paid in Goods, because it is a great Disadvantage to them. Again, Those who are truly for the Proprietor's Interest (and have no separate Views of their own that are predominant) will be heartily for a large Addition: Because, as I have shewn above, Plenty of Money will for several Reasons make Land rise in Value exceedingly: And I appeal to those immediately concerned for the Proprietor in the Sale of his Lands, whether Land has not risen very much since the first Emission of what Paper Currency we now have, and even by its Means. Now we all know the Proprietary has great Quantities to sell. And since a Plentiful Currency will be so great a Cause of advancing this Province in Trade and Riches, and increasing the Number of its People; which, tho' it will not sensibly lessen the Inhabitants of _Great Britain_, will occasion a much greater Vent and Demand for their Commodities here; and allowing that the Crown is the more powerful for its Subjects increasing in Wealth and Number, I cannot think it the Interest of _England_ to oppose us in making as great a Sum of Paper Money here, as we, who are the best Judges of our own Necessities, find convenient. And if I were not sensible that the Gentlemen of Trade in _England_, to whom we have already parted with our Silver and Gold, are misinformed of our Circumstances, and therefore endeavour to have our Currency stinted to what it now is, I should think the Government at Home had some Reasons for discouraging and impoverishing this Province, which we are not acquainted with. It remains now that we enquire, _Whether a large Addition to our Paper Currency will not make it sink in Value very much;_ And here it will be requisite that we first form just Notions of the Nature and Value of Money in general. As Providence has so ordered it, that not only different Countries, but even different Parts of the same Country, have their peculiar most suitable Productions; and likewise that different Men have Genius's adapted to Variety of different Arts and Manufactures, Therefore _Commerce_, or the Exchange of one Commodity or Manufacture for another, is highly convenient and beneficial to Mankind. As for Instance, _A_ may be skilful in the Art of making Cloth, and _B_ understand the raising of Corn; _A_ wants Corn, and _B_ Cloth; upon which they make an Exchange with each other for as much as each has Occasion, to the mutual Advantage and Satisfaction of both. But as it would be very tedious, if there were no other Way of general Dealing, but by an immediate Exchange of Commodities; because a Man that had Corn to dispose of, and wanted Cloth for it, might perhaps in his Search for a Chapman to deal with, meet with twenty People that had Cloth to dispose of, but wanted no Corn; and with twenty others that wanted his Corn, but had no Cloth to suit him with. To remedy such Inconveniences, and facilitate Exchange, Men have invented MONEY, properly called a _Medium of Exchange_, because through or by its Means Labour is exchanged for Labour, or one Commodity for another. And whatever particular Thing Men have agreed to make this Medium of, whether Gold, Silver, Copper, or Tobacco; it is, to those who possess it (if they want any Thing) that very Thing which they want, because it will immediately procure it for them. It is Cloth to him that wants Cloth, and Corn to those that want Corn; and so of all other Necessaries, it _is_ whatsoever it will procure. Thus he who had Corn to dispose of, and wanted to purchase Cloth with it, might sell his Corn for its Value in this general Medium, to one who wanted Corn but had no Cloth; and with this Medium he might purchase Cloth of him that wanted no Corn, but perhaps some other Thing, as Iron it may be, which this Medium will immediately procure, and so he may be said to have exchanged his Cloth for Iron; and thus the general Exchange is soon performed, to the Satisfaction of all Parties, with abundance of Facility. For many Ages, those Parts of the World which are engaged in Commerce, have fixed upon Gold and Silver as the chief and most proper Materials for this Medium; they being in themselves valuable Metals for their Fineness, Beauty, and Scarcity. By these, particularly by Silver, it has been usual to value all Things else: But as Silver it self is of no certain permanent Value, being worth more or less according to its Scarcity or Plenty, therefore it seems requisite to fix upon Something else, more proper to be made a _Measure of Values_, and this I take to be _Labour._ By Labour may the Value of Silver be measured as well as other Things. As, Suppose one Man employed to raise Corn, while another is digging and refining Silver; at the Year's End, or at any other Period of Time, the compleat Produce of Corn, and that of Silver, are the natural Price of each other; and if one be twenty Bushels, and the other twenty Ounces, then an Ounce of that Silver is worth the Labour of raising a Bushel of that Corn. Now if by the Discovery of some nearer, more easy or plentiful Mines, a Man may get Forty Ounces of Silver as easily as formerly he did Twenty, and the same Labour is still required to raise Twenty Bushels of Corn, then Two Ounces of Silver will be worth no more than the same Labour of raising One Bushel of Corn, and that Bushel of Corn will be as cheap at two Ounces, as it was before at one; _caeteris paribus._ Thus the Riches of a Country are to be valued by the Quantity of Labour its Inhabitants are able to purchase, and not by the Quantity of Silver and Gold they possess; which will purchase more or less Labour, and therefore is more or less valuable, as is said before, according to its Scarcity or Plenty. As those Metals have grown much more plentiful in _Europe_ since the Discovery of _America_, so they have sunk in Value exceedingly; for, to instance in _England_, formerly one Penny of Silver was worth a Days Labour, but now it is hardly worth the sixth Part of a Days Labour; because not less than Six-pence will purchase the Labour of a Man for a Day in any Part of that Kingdom; which is wholly to be attributed to the much greater Plenty of Money now in _England_ than formerly. And yet perhaps _England_ is in Effect no richer now than at that Time; because as much Labour might be purchas'd, or Work got done of almost any kind, for 100 _l_. then, as will now require or is now worth 600 _l_. In the next Place let us consider the Nature of _Banks_ emitting _Bills of Credit_, as they are at this Time used in _Hamburgh_, _Amsterdam_, _London_ and _Venice_. Those Places being Seats of vast Trade, and the Payment of great Sums being for that Reason frequent, _Bills of Credit_ are found very convenient in Business; because a great Sum is more easily counted in Them, lighter in Carriage, concealed in less Room, and therefore safer in Travelling or Laying up, and on many other Accounts they are very much valued. The Banks are the general Cashiers of all Gentlemen, Merchants and great Traders in and about those Cities; there they deposite their Money, and may take out Bills to the Value, for which they can be certain to have Money again at the Bank at any Time: This gives the Bills a Credit; so that in _England_ they are never less valuable than Money, and in _Venice_ and _Amsterdam_ they are generally worth more. And the Bankers always reserving Money in hand to answer more than the common Run of Demands (and some People constantly putting in while others are taking out) are able besides to lend large Sums, on good Security, to the Government or others, for a reasonable Interest, by which they are paid for their Care and Trouble; and the Money which otherwise would have lain dead in their Hands, is made to circulate again thereby among the People: And thus the Running Cash of the Nation is as it were doubled; for all great Payments being made in Bills, Money in lower Trade becomes much more plentiful: And this is an exceeding great Advantage to a Trading Country, that is not over-stock'd with Gold and Silver. As those who take Bills out of the Banks in _Europe_, put in Money for Security; so here, and in some of the neighbouring Provinces, we engage our Land. Which of these Methods will most effectually secure the Bills from actually sinking in Value, comes next to be considered. Trade in general being nothing else but the Exchange of Labour for Labour, the Value of all Things is, as I have said before, most justly measured by Labour. Now suppose I put my Money into a Bank, and take out a Bill for the Value; if this Bill at the Time of my receiving it, would purchase me the Labour of one hundred Men for twenty Days; but some time after will only purchase the Labour of the same Number of Men for fifteen Days; it is plain the Bill has sunk in Value one fourth Part. Now Silver and Gold being of no permanent Value; and as this Bill is founded on Money, and therefore to be esteemed as such, it may be that the Occasion of this Fall is the increasing Plenty of Gold and Silver, by which Money is one fourth Part less valuable than before, and therefore one fourth more is given of it for the same Quantity of Labour; and if Land is not become more plentiful by some proportionate Decrease of the People, one fourth Part more of Money is given for the same Quantity of Land; whereby it appears that it would have been more profitable to me to have laid that Money out in Land which I put into the Bank, than to place it there and take a Bill for it. And it is certain that the Value of Money has been continually sinking in _England_ for several Ages past, because it has been continually increasing in Quantity. But if Bills could be taken out of a Bank in _Europe_ on a Land Security, it is probable the Value of such Bills would be more certain and steady, because the Number of Inhabitants continue to be near the same in those Countries from Age to Age. For as Bills issued upon Money Security are Money, so Bills issued upon Land, are in Effect _Coined Land._ Therefore (to apply the Above to our own Circumstances) If Land in this Province was falling, or any way likely to fall, it would behove the Legislature most carefully to contrive how to prevent the Bills issued upon Land from falling with it. But as our People increase exceedingly, and will be further increased, as I have before shewn, by the Help of a large Addition to our Currency; and as Land in consequence is continually rising, So, in case no Bills are emitted but what are upon Land Security, the Money-Acts in every Part punctually enforced and executed, the Payments of Principal and Interest being duly and strictly required, and the Principal _bona fide_ sunk according to Law, it is absolutely impossible such Bills should ever sink below their first Value, or below the Value of the Land on which they are founded. In short, there is so little Danger of their sinking, that they would certainly rise as the Land rises, if they were not emitted in a proper Manner for preventing it; That is, by providing in the Act _That Payment may be made, either in those Bills, or in any other Bills made current by any Act of the Legislature of this Province;_ and that the Interest, as it is received, may be again emitted in Discharge of Publick Debts; whereby circulating it returns again into the Hands of the Borrowers, and becomes Part of their future Payments; and thus as it is likely there will not be any Difficulty for want of Bills to pay the Office, they are hereby kept from rising above their first Value: For else, supposing there should be emitted upon mortgaged Land its full present Value in Bills; as in the Banks in _Europe_ the full Value of the Money deposited is given out in Bills; and supposing the Office would take nothing but the same Sum in those Bills in Discharge of the Land; as in the Banks aforesaid, the same Sum in their Bills must be brought in, in order to receive out the Money: In such Case the Bills would most surely rise in Value as the Land rises; as certainly as the Bank Bills founded on Money would fall if that Money was falling. Thus if I were to mortgage to a Loan-Office, or Bank, a Parcel of Land now valued at 100 _l_. in Silver, and receive for it the like Sum in Bills, to be paid in again at the Expiration of a certain Term of Years; before which, my Land rising in Value, becomes worth 150 _l_. in Silver: 'Tis plain, that if I have not these Bills in Possession, and the Office will take nothing but these Bills, or else what it is now become worth in Silver, in Discharge of my Land; I say it appears plain, that those Bills will now be worth 150 _l_. in Silver to the Possessor; and if I can purchase them for less, in order to redeem my Land, I shall by so much be a Gainer. I need not say any Thing to convince the Judicious that our Bills have not yet sunk, tho' there is and has been some Difference between them and Silver; because it is evident that that Difference is occasioned by the Scarcity of the latter, which is now become a Merchandize, rising and falling, like other Commodities, as there is a greater or less Demand for it, or as it is more or less Plenty. Yet farther, in order to make a true Estimate of the Value of Money, we must distinguish between Money as it is Bullion, which is Merchandize, and as by being coin'd it is made a Currency: For its Value as a Merchandize, and its Value as a Currency, are two distinct Things; and each may possibly rise and fall in some Degree independent of the other. Thus if the Quantity of Bullion increases in a Country, it will proportionably decrease in Value; but if at the same Time the Quantity of current Coin should decrease, (supposing Payments may not be made in Bullion) what Coin there is will rise in Value as a Currency, _i. e._ People will give more Labour in Manufactures for a certain Sum of ready Money. In the same Manner must we consider a _Paper Currency_ founded on Land; as it is Land, and as it is a Currency. _Money as Bullion, or as Land, is valuable by so much Labour as it costs to procure that Bullion or Land._ _Money, as a Currency, has an Additional Value by so much Time and Labour as it saves in the Exchange of Commodities._ If, as a Currency, it saves one Fourth Part of the Time and Labour of a Country; it has, on that Account, one Fourth added to its original Value. When there is no Money in a Country, all Commerce must be by Exchange. Now if it takes one fourth Part of the Time and Labour of a Country, to exchange or get their Commodities exchanged; then, in computing their Value, that Labour of Exchanging must be added to the Labour of manufacturing those Commodities: But if that Time or Labour is saved by introducing Money sufficient, then the additional Value on Account of the Labour of Exchanging may be abated, and Things sold for only the Value of the Labour in making them; because the People may now in the same Time make one Fourth more in Quantity of Manufactures than they could before. From these Considerations it may be gathered, that in all the Degrees between having no Money in a Country, and Money sufficient for the Trade, it will rise and fall in Value as a Currency, in Proportion to the Decrease or Increase of its Quantity: And if there may be at some Time more than enough, the Overplus will have no Effect towards making the Currency, as a Currency, of less Value than when there was but enough; because such Overplus will not be used in Trade, but be some other way disposed of. If we enquire, _How much_ per Cent. _Interest ought to be required upon the Loan of these Bills;_ we must consider what is the Natural Standard of Usury: And this appears to be, where the Security is undoubted, at least the Rent of so much Land as the Money lent will buy: For it cannot be expected that any Man will lend his Money for less than it would fetch him in as Rent if he laid it out in Land, which is the most secure Property in the World. But if the Security is casual, then a kind of Ensurance must be enterwoven with the simple natural Interest, which may advance the Usury very conscionably to any height below the Principal it self. Now among us, if the Value of Land is twenty Years Purchase, Five _per Cent._ is the just Rate of Interest for Money lent on undoubted Security. Yet if Money grows scarce in a Country, it becomes more difficult for People to make punctual Payments of what they borrow, Money being hard to be raised; likewise Trade being discouraged, and Business impeded for want of a Currency, abundance of People must be in declining Circumstances, and by these Means Security is more precarious than where Money is plenty. On such Accounts it is no wonder if People ask a greater Interest for their Money than the natural Interest; and what is above is to be look'd upon as a kind of _Praemium_ for the Ensurance of those Uncertainties, as they are greater or less. Thus we always see, that where Money is scarce, Interest is high, and low where it is plenty. Now it is certainly the Advantage of a Country to make Interest as low as possible, as I have already shewn; and this can be done no other way than by making Money plentiful. And since, in Emitting Paper Money among us, the Office has the best of Security, the Titles to the Land being all skilfully and strictly examined and ascertained; and as it is only permitting the People by Law to coin their own Land, which costs the Government nothing, the Interest being more than enough to pay the Charges of Printing, Officers Fees, _&c._ I cannot see any good Reason why Four _per Cent._ to the Loan-Office should not be thought fully sufficient. As a low Interest may incline more to take Money out, it will become more plentiful in Trade; and this may bring down the common Usury, in which Security is more dubious, to the Pitch it is determined at by Law. If it should be objected, _That Emitting It at so low an Interest, and on such easy Terms, will occasion more to be taken out than the Trade of the Country really requires:_ It may be answered, That, as has already been shewn, there can never be so much of it emitted as to make it fall below the Land it is founded on; because no Man in his Senses will mortgage his Estate for what is of no more Value to him than That he has mortgaged, especially if the Possession of what he receives is more precarious than of what he mortgages, as that of Paper Money is when compared to Land: And if it should ever become so plenty by indiscreet Persons continuing to take out a large Overplus, above what is necessary in Trade, so as to make People imagine it would become by that Means of less Value than their mortgaged Lands, they would immediately of Course begin to pay it in again to the Office to redeem their Land, and continue to do so till there was no more left in Trade than was absolutely necessary. And thus the Proportion would find it self, (tho' there were a Million too much in the Office to be let out) without giving any one the Trouble of Calculation. It may perhaps be objected to what I have written concerning the Advantages of a large Addition to our Currency, _That if the People of this Province increase, and Husbandry is more followed, we shall overstock the Markets with our Produce of Flower,_ &c. To this it may be answered, that we can never have too many People (nor too much Money) For when one Branch of Trade or Business is overstocked with Hands, there are the more to spare to be employed in another. So if raising Wheat proves dull, more may (if there is Money to support and carry on new Manufactures) proceed to the raising and manufacturing of _Hemp_, _Silk_, _Iron_, and many other Things the Country is very capable of, for which we only want People to work, and Money to pay them with. Upon the Whole it may be observed, That it is the highest Interest of a Trading Country in general to make Money plentiful; and that it can be a Disadvantage to none that have honest Designs. It cannot hurt even the Usurers, tho' it should sink what they receive as Interest; because they will be proportionably more secure in what they lend; or they will have an Opportunity of employing their Money to greater Advantage, to themselves as well as to the Country. Neither can it hurt those Merchants who have great Sums out-standing in Debts in the Country, and seem on that Account to have the most plausible Reason to fear it; _to wit_, because a large Addition being made to our Currency, will increase the Demand of our Exporting Produce, and by that Means raise the Price of it, so that they will not be able to purchase so much Bread or Flower with 100 _l._ when they shall receive it after such an Addition, as they now can, and may if there is no Addition: I say it cannot hurt even such, because they will get in their Debts just in exact Proportion so much the easier and sooner as the Money becomes plentier; and therefore, considering the Interest and Trouble saved, they will not be Losers; because it only sinks in Value as a Currency, proportionally as it becomes more plenty. It cannot hurt the Interest of _Great Britain_, as has been shewn; and it will greatly advance the Interest of the Proprietor. It will be an Advantage to every industrious Tradesman, _&c._ because his Business will be carried on more freely, and Trade be universally enlivened by it. And as more Business in all Manufactures will be done, by so much as the Labour and Time spent in Exchange is saved, the Country in general will grow so much the richer. It is nothing to the Purpose to object the wretched Fall of the Bills in _New-England_ and _South-Carolina_, unless it might be made evident that their Currency was emitted with the same Prudence, and on such good Security as ours is; and it certainly was not. As this Essay is wrote and published in Haste, and the Subject in it self intricate, I hope I shall be censured with Candour, if, for want of Time carefully to revise what I have written, in some Places I should appear to have express'd my self too obscurely, and in others am liable to Objections I did not foresee. I sincerely desire to be acquainted with the Truth, and on that Account shall think my self obliged to any one, who will take the Pains to shew me, or the Publick, where I am mistaken in my Conclusions, And as we all know there are among us several Gentlemen of acute Parts and profound Learning, who are very much against any Addition to our Money, it were to be wished that they would favour the Country with their Sentiments on this Head in Print; which, supported with Truth and good Reasoning, may probably be very convincing. And this is to be desired the rather, because many People knowing the Abilities of those Gentlemen to manage a good Cause, are apt to construe their Silence in This, as an Argument of a bad One. Had any Thing of that Kind ever yet appeared, perhaps I should not have given the Publick this Trouble: But as those ingenious Gentlemen have not yet (and I doubt never will) think it worth their Concern to enlighten the Minds of their erring Countrymen in this Particular, I think it would be highly commendable in every one of us, more fully to bend our Minds to the Study of _What is the true Interest of PENNSYLVANIA;_ whereby we may be enabled, not only to reason pertinently with one another; but, if Occasion requires, to transmit Home such clear Representations, as must inevitably convince our Superiors of the Reasonableness and Integrity of our Designs. _B. B._ _Philadelphia, April_ 3. 1729. Philadelphia, New Printing-Office, 1729 _The Printer to the Reader_ The _Pennsylvania Gazette_ being now to be carry'd on by other Hands, the Reader may expect some Account of the Method we design to proceed in. Upon a View of _Chambers_'s great Dictionaries, from whence were taken the Materials of the _Universal Instructor in all Arts and Sciences_, which usually made the First Part of this Paper, we find that besides their containing many Things abstruse or insignificant to us, it will probably be fifty Years before the Whole can be gone thro' in this Manner of Publication. There are likewise in those Books continual References from Things under one Letter of the Alphabet to those under another, which relate to the same Subject, and are necessary to explain and compleat it; these taken in their Turn may perhaps be Ten Years distant; and since it is likely that they who desire to acquaint themselves with any particular Art or Science, would gladly have the whole before them in a much less Time, we believe our Readers will not think such a Method of communicating Knowledge to be a proper One. However, tho' we do not intend to continue the Publication of those Dictionaries in a regular Alphabetical Method, as has hitherto been done; yet as several Things exhibited from them in the Course of these Papers, have been entertaining to such of the Curious, who never had and cannot have the Advantage of good Libraries; and as there are many Things still behind, which being in this Manner made generally known, may perhaps become of considerable Use, by giving such Hints to the excellent natural Genius's of our Country, as may contribute either to the Improvement of our present Manufactures, or towards the Invention of new Ones; we propose from Time to Time to communicate such particular Parts as appear to be of the most general Consequence. As to the _Religious Courtship_, Part of which has been retal'd to the Publick in these Papers, the Reader may be inform'd, that the whole Book will probably in a little Time be printed and bound up by it self; and those who approve of it, will doubtless be better pleas'd to have it entire, than in this broken interrupted Manner. There are many who have long desired to see a good News-Paper in _Pennsylvania_; and we hope those Gentlemen who are able, will contribute towards the making This such. We ask Assistance, because we are fully sensible, that to publish a good News-Paper is not so easy an Undertaking as many People imagine it to be. The Author of a _Gazette_ (in the Opinion of the Learned) ought to be qualified with an extensive Acquaintance with Languages, a great Easiness and Command of Writing and Relating Things cleanly and intelligibly, and in few Words; he should be able to speak of War both by Land and Sea; be well acquainted with Geography, with the History of the Time, with the several Interests of Princes and States, the Secrets of Courts, and the Manners and Customs of all Nations. Men thus accomplish'd are very rare in this remote Part of the World; and it would be well if the Writer of these Papers could make up among his Friends what is wanting in himself. Upon the Whole, we may assure the Publick, that as far as the Encouragement we meet with will enable us, no Care and Pains shall be omitted, that may make the _Pennsylvania Gazette_ as agreeable and useful an Entertainment as the Nature of the Thing will allow. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 2, 1729 _"One Piles a Fidler"_ And sometime last Week, we are informed, that one Piles a Fidler, with his Wife, were overset in a Canoo near Newtown Creek. The good Man, 'tis said, prudently secur'd his Fiddle, and let his Wife go to the Bottom. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 16,1729 _Fire and the Nature of Horses_ We hear from Trenton, that on Friday the 5th Instant, a good new Stable belonging to Mr. John Severn, was burnt down to the Ground, in which was consumed five Load of English Hay, and seven Horses were burnt to Death; occasioned by the Carelessness of a Servant, who let a Candle fall among the Hay. About the same Time a Barn and Stable was burnt near Allen's-Town: The Owner attempting to save a good Horse he had in the Stable, very narrowly escap'd with his own Life; 'tis observed as something unaccountable in the Nature of Horses, that they are so far from endeavouring to avoid the Danger of Fire, as to stand obstinately and suffer themselves to be burnt; nor will they be led from it unless first made blindfold. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 16, 1729 _The Trial and Reprieve of Prouse and Mitchel_ Last Week at a Court of Oyer and Terminer held in this City, two Servants, James Prouse and James Mitchel (the same who broke Prison some time since, and were retaken at Amboy) were tried for Burglary. It appeared by the King's Evidence, that _Prouse_ entred the House of Mr. _Sheed_, Barber, in Front-street, (being admitted by a Servant of the Family) and there broke open a Desk, from whence he took _Seven Pounds Ten Shillings_ in Paper Money, and some Copper Half-pence; and that _Mitchel_ in the mean time waited without to watch. It was proved that the Money lost was found upon _Prouse_ when he was taken; who only said in his Defence at the Bar, that it was given him by Mr. _Sheed_'s Man to keep. _Mitchel_ in his Defence said, that tho' he had been in Company with _Prouse_ and other Servants drinking _Rum_ out of Town in the Day Time, being Sunday, yet that he heard nothing of any Contrivance to Rob, or the like; and that he was in Bed when the Fact was committed, from whence _Prouse_ afterwards call'd him to go and drink, but did not acquaint with what had been done. The Jury brought them both in Guilty; and _Prouse_ being asked what he had to say why Sentence of Death should not pass against him, answered, that he had nothing to say in his own Behalf, but declared that _Mitchel_ was wholly innocent, and knew nothing of the Fact. The Court passed Sentence on them both, but directed _Mitchel_ to apply to His Honour the Governour for Mercy. Mr. _Sheed_'s Servant (who in the above Trial was Evidence for the King) is hereafter to be tried for Robbery; the Law not making it Burglary in a Servant to open a Door in the Night time, tho' it be to admit Thieves, _&c_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 23, 1729 We hear to Morrow is appointed for the Execution of _Prouse_ and _Mitchel_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, January 13, 1729/30 _We think our Readers will not be displeased to have the following remarkable Transaction related to them in this particular Manner._ Wednesday the 14th Instant, being the Day appointed for the Execution of _James Prouse_ and _James Mitchel_ for Burglary, suitable Preparations were accordingly made. The tender Youth of one of them (who was but about 19) and the supposed Innocence of the other as to the Fact for which they were condemned, had induced the Judges (upon the Application of some compassionate People) to recommend them to His Honour's known Clemency: But several Malefactors having been already pardoned, and every Body being sensible, that, considering the great Increase of Vagrants and idle Persons, by the late large Importation of such from several Parts of _Europe_, it was become necessary for the common Good to make some Examples, there was but little Reason to hope that either, and less that both of them might escape the Punishment justly due to Crimes of that enormous Nature. About 11 o'Clock the Bell began to Toll, and a numerous Croud of People was gathered near the Prison, to see these unhappy young Men brought forth to suffer. While their Irons were taken off, and their Arms were binding, _Prouse_ cry'd immoderately; but _Mitchel_ (who had himself all along behaved with unusual Fortitude) endeavoured in a friendly tender Manner to comfort him: _Do not cry, Jemmy;_ (says he) _In an Hour or two it will be over with us, and we shall both be easy_. They were then placed in a Cart, together with a Coffin for each of them, and led thro' the Town to the Place of Execution: _Prouse_ appear'd extreamly dejected, but _Mitchel_ seemed to support himself with a becoming manly Constancy: When they arriv'd at the fatal Tree, they were told that it was expected they should make some Confession of their Crimes, and say something by Way of Exhortation to the People. _Prouse_ was at length with some Difficulty prevailed on to speak; he said, his Confession had been taken in Writing the Evening before; he acknowledged the Fact for which he was to die, but said, That _Greyer_ who had sworn against him was the Person that persuaded him to it; and declared that he had never wronged any Man beside Mr. _Sheed_, and his Master. _Mitchel_ being desired to speak, reply'd with a sober compos'd Countenance, _What would you have me to say? I am innocent of the Fact_. He was then told, that it did not appear well in him to persist in asserting his Innocence; that he had had a fair Trial, and was found guilty by twelve honest and good Men. He only answer'd, _I am innocent; and it will appear so before God;_ and sat down. Then they were both bid to stand up, and the Ropes were order'd to be thrown over the Beam; when the Sheriff took a Paper out of his Pocket and began to read. The poor Wretches, whose Souls were at that Time fill'd with the immediate Terrors of approaching Death, having nothing else before their Eyes, and being without the least Apprehension or Hope of a Reprieve, took but little Notice of what was read; or it seems imagined it to be some previous Matter of Form, as a Warrant for their Execution or the like, 'till they heard the Words PITY and MERCY [_And whereas the said_ James Prouse _and_ James Mitchel _have been recommended to me as proper Objects of Pity and Mercy._] Immediately _Mitchel_ fell into the most violent Agony; and having only said, _God bless the Governor_, he swooned away in the Cart. Suitable Means were used to recover him; and when he came a little to himself, he added; _I have been a great Sinner; I have been guilty of almost every Crime; Sabbath-breaking in particular, which led me into ill Company; but Theft I never was guilty of. God bless the Governor; and God Almighty's Name be praised;_ and then swooned again. _Prouse_ likewise seemed to be overwhelmed with Joy, but did not swoon. All the Way back to the Prison, _Mitchel_ lean'd on his Coffin, being unable to support himself, and shed Tears in abundance. He who went out to die with a large Share of Resolution and Fortitude, returned in the most dispirited Manner imaginable; being utterly over-power'd by the Force of that sudden Turn of excessive Joy, for which he had been no Way prepared. The Concern that appeared in every Face while these Criminals were leading to Execution, and the Joy that diffused it self thro' the whole Multitude, so visible in their Countenances upon the mention of a Reprieve, seems to be a pleasing Instance, and no small Argument of the general laudable Humanity even of our common People, who were unanimous in their loud Acclamations of _God bless the Governor for his Mercy_. The following are Copies of the Papers delivered out by _Prouse_ and _Mitchel_ the Evening before, with little or no Alteration from their own Words. "I _James Prouse_ was born in the Town of _Brentford_ in _Middlesex_ County in _Old England_, of honest Parents, who gave me but little Education. My Father was a Corporal in the late Lord _Oxford_'s Regiment of Horse, (then named the said Lord's Blues) and I was for some Time in the Care of an Uncle who lived at _Eling_ near _Brentford_ aforesaid, and who would have given me good Learning; but I being young would not take his good Counsel, and in the 12th Year of my Age came into _Philadelphia_, where I was recommended to one of the best of Masters, who never let me want for any Thing: But I minding the evil Insinuations of wicked People, more than the good Dictates of my Master, and having not the Fear of God before my Eyes, am deservedly brought to this wretched and shameful End. I acknowledge I justly merit Death for the Fact which condemns me; but I never had the least Design or Thought of the like, until often press'd, and at length seduced to it by _John Greyer_, who was the only Person that ruined me. He often solicited me to be guilty of other Crimes of the like Nature, but I never was guilty of any such, neither with him or any one else; neither did I ever wrong any Man before, save my too indulgent Master; from whom I now and then pilfer'd a Yard or the like of Cloth, in order to make Money to spend with the said _Greyer_. As for _James Mitchel_ who dies for the same Fact with me, as I hope to receive Mercy at the great Tribunal, he the said _James Mitchel_ is intirely innocent, (*) and knew nothing of the Fact until apprehended and taken. I am about Nineteen Years of Age and die a Protestant. _JAMES PROUSE_." (*) N. B. _He declared the same Thing at the Bar just before he received Sentence_. _The Speech or Declaration of_ James Mitchel _written with his own Hand_. "I _James Mitchel_, was born, at _Antrim_ in the Kingdom of _Ireland_, of good and honest Parents, and brought up with them until the Age of 13 Years, and had a suitable Education given me, such as being taught to read and write _English_, with some _Latin_; and might have been further instructed, but at my earnest Request was bound Apprentice to a Book-binder, and served 4 Years to that Trade; after which I left the Kingdom and went for _England_ in order to be further improved in my Business; but there had the Misfortune to be press'd on board the _Berwick_ Man of War, commanded by the Honorable _George Gordon_, and having been at several Parts abroad, returned to _England_ in _Octob_. 1728. where I was by Sickness reduced to a very sad Condition, through which I came over to this Country a Servant; here I was it seems unfortunately led into bad Company, and one Evening by _James Prouse_ was raised out of my Bed to go and drink with him and one _Greyer_, the which _Greyer_ after parting gave to the said _James Prouse_ Six-pence, which was all the Money I saw that Night and till next Morning, and then _James Prouse_ took out of his Pocket a 15 Shilling Bill, and desired me to get it changed for him, in order to spend some of it; but coming unto Town I was apprehended for the robbing of Mr. _George Sheed_, and now am to die for the same. I die a Protestant. _JAMES MITCHEL_." _The Pennsylvania Gazette,_ January 20, 1729/30 _A Gallant Duel and an Unhappy Man_ Saturday last, about nine o'Clock in the Morning two young _Hibernian_ Gentlemen met on _Society Hill_, and fought a gallant Duel before a Number of Spectators not very usual on such Occasions. The Cause of their Quarrel is it seems unknown; and as they were parted without much Difficulty, and neither of them received any considerable Hurt, it is generally looked upon to be only a Piece of _Theatrical Representation_. The same Day an unhappy Man one _Sturgis_, upon some Difference with his Wife, determined to drown himself in the River; and she, (kind Wife) went with him, it seems, to see it faithfully performed, and accordingly stood by silent and unconcerned during the whole Transaction: He jump'd in near _Carpenter_'s Wharff, but was timely taken out again, before what he came about was thoroughly effected, so that they were both obliged to return home as they came, and put up for that Time with the Disappointment. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 10, 1729/30 _Printer's Errors_ _To the Publisher of the_ Pennsylvania Gazette. _Printerum est errare._ _SIR,_ As your last Paper was reading in some Company where I was present, these Words were taken Notice of in the Article concerning Governor _Belcher_, [_After which his Excellency, with the Gentlemen trading to New-England,_ died _elegantly at Pontack's_]. The Word _died_ should doubtless have been _dined_, _Pontack_'s being a noted Tavern and Eating-house in _London_ for Gentlemen of Condition; but this Omission of the letter (_n_) in that Word, gave us as much Entertainment as any Part of your Paper. One took the Opportunity of telling us, that in a certain Edition of the Bible, the Printer had, where _David_ says _I am fearfully and wonderfully made_, omitted the Letter (_e_) in the last Word, so that it was, _I am fearfully and wonderfully mad_; which occasion'd an ignorant Preacher, who took that Text, to harangue his Audience for half an hour on the Subject of _Spiritual Madness._ Another related to us, that when the Company of Stationers in _England_ had the Printing of the Bible in their Hands, the Word (_not_) was left out in the Seventh Commandment, and the whole Edition was printed off with _Thou shalt commit Adultery_, instead of _Thou shalt not_, &c. This material _Erratum_ induc'd the Crown to take the Patent from them which is now held by the King's Printer. The _Spectator_'s Remark upon this Story is, that he doubts many of our modern Gentlemen have this faulty Edition by 'em, and are not made sensible of the Mistake. A Third Person in the Company acquainted us with an unlucky Fault that went through a whole Impression of Common-Prayer-Books; in the Funeral Service, where these Words are, _We shall all be changed in a moment, in the twinkling of an Eye,_ &c. the Printer had omitted the (_c_) in _changed_, and it read thus, _We shall all be hanged,_ &c. And lastly, a Mistake of your Brother News-Printer was mentioned, in _The Speech of_ James Prouse _written the Night before he was to have been executed_, instead of _I die a Protestant_, he has put it, _I died a Protestant_. Upon the whole you came off with the more favourable Censure, because your Paper is most commonly very correct, and yet you were never known to triumph upon it, by publickly ridiculing and exposing the continual Blunders of your Contemporary. Which Observation was concluded by a good old Gentleman in Company, with this general just Remark, That whoever accustoms himself to pass over in Silence the Faults of his Neighbours, shall meet with much better Quarter from the World when he happens to fall into a Mistake himself; for the Satyrical and Censorious, whose Hand is against every Man, shall upon such Occasions have every Man's Hand against him. _I am, SIR, your Friend,_ &c. J. T. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 13, 1729/30 _Letter of the Drum_ _To the Publisher of the_ GAZETTE. _SIR,_ I know well that the Age in which we live, abounds in _Spinosists_, _Hobbists_, and _most impious Free-Thinkers_, who despise _Revelation_, and treat the _most sacred Truths_ with _Ridicule_ and _Contempt_: Nay, to such an Height of Iniquity are they arrived, that they not only deny the _Existence_ of the _Devil_, and of _Spirits_ in general, but would also persuade the World, that the Story of _Saul_ and the _Witch of Endor_ is an Imposture; and which is still worse, that no Credit is to be given to the so well-attested One of the _Drummer_ of _Tedsworth._ I do, indeed, confess that the Arguments of some of these unbelieving Gentlemen, with whom I have heretofore conversed on the Subject of _Spirits_, _Apparitions_, _Witches_, &c. carried with them a great Shew of Reason, and were so specious, that I was strongly inclined to think them in the Right; and for several Years past have lived without any Fear or Apprehensions of _Daemons_ or _Hobgoblins_; but the Case is quite alter'd with me now; and I who used to sleep without drawing my Curtains, am now so fearful, that I pin them every Night I go to Bed with corking Pins, and cover my self Head over Ears with the Clothes. Now this Change is not owing, as you would imagine, to any frightful Apparition I have seen, or uncommon Noise I have heard; but to a most amazing Account I received the other Day from a Reverend Gentleman, of a certain House's being haunted with the _D ------ l_ of a Drummer, not a whit less obstreperous, than the _Tedsworthian_ Tympanist: This Gentleman, whose Veracity few People presume to call in Question, told me, that he was not long since obliged to meet some of his Brethren, at a certain Town about fifteen Miles below _Philadelphia_, in order to settle some Affairs of the Church, and to consult on proper Measures to prevent the _Growth of Atheism_; that he was there joined by four of his Brethren; who insisting that it was unpresidented to proceed to Business at their first Meeting, they thereupon unanimously agreed to defer their Consultations 'till the next Day; that they spent the Evening chearfully, yet soberly; that about ten at Night they retired to repose themselves, but lodged in separate Rooms; that he, with his Companion, were no sooner warm in their Bed, than they heard a Drum beating very loud, now on the one Side of their Bed, then on the other, and in a Moment after on the Teaster; that sometimes they distinctly heard the _Scots Traveller_, and at other Times the _Grenadiers March_; that the Noise continued all Night, frighted them almost to Death, and yet, which is the most surprizing and unaccountable Part of the Relation, disturbed no Mortal in the House save themselves; that early in the Morning they went into the next Room, where they found two of their Brethren sleeping soundly; that they were amazed to find them so fast asleep after such a terrible Night; that having awakened them, they asked whether they had not been disturbed with the Noise of a Drum? that they replied, They had rested well, and were surprized to hear them ask such a Question, and hinted that they believed them to be out of their Senses; upon which he related to them the Adventure of the Night, so full of Horror, with all the Particulars I have mentioned, and many more which I have omitted; That at first they seemed to give little Credit to what he said; but upon his Bedfellow's affirming it to be true, they appeared to be satisfied of the Reality of the Fact. Then the Gentleman went on with his Story in this wise: That the next Night he with his Companion went to Bed in the same Room, in which they had been so terribly frighten'd; that they had not taken their first Nap, before they heard an uncouth Noise under them; that his Companion was shortly after seized violently and forcibly by the great Toe, and in great Danger of being pulled out of the Bed; but that upon the Beating of the Drum, which happen'd at the same Instant, his Toe was released; and that to prevent any future Attacks, they hoisted their Knees up to their very Noses; the Noise still growing louder, they felt a most prodigious Weight on them, heavier, as he said, than the _Night-Mare_; that by his Voice they presently discovered it to be one of their Brethren, who had come into their Room on purpose to scare them; either believing that they had told him a Fib, or that they were under such potent Influences the Night before, as made them imagine they heard a Drum, when in Reality they did not; But mark, said the Relater to me; according to the old Proverb, _Harm watch Harm catch_; for he was so frighted himself, that he would not have ventured back to his own Room, though he were sure to be made a Bishop; so that we were obliged to share our Bed with him, in which we lay sweating, and almost dead with Fear, 'till Morning. Thus he concluded his surprizing Relation, which wrought so strongly on me, that I could no longer Doubt of the _D ------ l_'s having plaid them this Prank; and to this Story only my Timorousness is owing. Now, I know well enough, that some Folks will be apt to say; it is all a Lye, a meer Forgery; in short, they will raise an infinite Number of Objections to destroy its Credit; for when I told it to a certain Person, he swore it could not be true; because in a Piece of the learned _Greutzius_, which he had read, _De examine Sagarum_, he found that all the Divines in _Germany_ were clearly of Opinion, that the Devil never begins to play his Pranks 'till after Midnight, and that no Spectres were seen before that Time; and this Noise beginning between ten and eleven both Nights, he was assured, for that Reason, that the Devil was no Way concern'd in it; but he had almost staggered me, when he told me this Story: _A certain Curate lived in the Island of_ Jamaica, _who loved his Bottle, no Curate better; he chanced to be drinking in a Tavern, when he was called upon to do the last Offices to a Brother departed; upon which with great Reluctance he leaves his Company, but told them he would return immediately: away he hies to the Place of Burial, and, as is usual, reads over the Service for the Dead, 'till he came to the Words,_ I heard a Voice from Heaven, saying, blessed, _&c. at which he was interrupted by one of his Companions, who had followed him from the Ale-house, with a `By G ------ that's a d ------ 'd Lye, for I have been drinking with you all Day at Mother ------ _'s, _and if you had heard the Voice, I should have heard it too, for my Ears are as good as yours.'_ The Gentleman left me to apply the Story. Now, Sir, as I take you to be a Person of profound Learning and Judgment, I desire you will set me to rights, by giving me your Opinion candidly, whether I ought to give Credit to the above Relation or not, altho' it be attested by two Reverend Fathers, _I am, Sir, yours,_ &c. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 23, 1730 _On that Odd Letter of the Drum_ _To the Author of the_ Pennsylvania Gazette. _SIR,_ _Burlington, April_ 27. 1730. As I am your sincere Friend and Well-wisher, it is with a great deal of Pleasure I have observed your prudent Management of the News-Paper, in which, till last Week, there has been no one Thing seen that might justly give Offence either to Church or State, or to any private Person: But when I reflect how good a Judge you are of what is or is not proper to be published in that manner, I am puzzled to think what could induce you to insert that odd Letter of the _Drum_ in your last _Gazette._ I am satisfied you know better than to imagine that such a Thing would please the Generality of your Readers, or that it might be instrumental in doing Good to any one Creature living; I believe you have had no Reason to be piqu'd against the Gentlemen there reflected on; and as to the Wit and Humour which some Persons of reputed Taste pretend to discern in it, I protest I can see none, and I think that true Wit and Humour cannot be employ'd in ridiculing Things serious and sacred. Whoever was the Writer of it, notwithstanding his seeming Reflection on _Spinosists_, _Hobbists_, _and most impious Freethinkers_, his Design is apparent, To bring the Dispensers of Religion among us into Contempt, and to weaken our Belief of the Divine Writings; a Design, in my Opinion, very unworthy an honest Man and a good Subject, even tho' he was of no Religion at all. His depreciating the Holy Scriptures, by insinuating that the Story of the Drummer of _Tedsworth_ is a better attested One than that of _Saul_ and the Witch of _Endor_, as also his satyrical Sneer at the Meeting of those Reverend Gentlemen _to prevent the Growth of Atheism_, I pass over at present without any further Remark; and as I apprehend that Arguments drawn from the Truth of our Religion, will have but little Weight with this Writer, in dissuading him from such a Way of indulging his satyrical Humour, I would only request him to consider these Things seriously, _to wit_, That wise Men have in all Ages thought Government necessary for the Good of Mankind; and, that wise Governments have always thought Religion necessary for the well ordering and well-being of Society, and accordingly have been ever careful to encourage and protect the Ministers of it, paying them the highest publick Honours, that their Doctrines might thereby meet with the greater Respect among the common People; And that if there were no Truth in Religion, or the Salvation of Men's Souls not worth regarding, yet, in consideration of the inestimable Service done to Mankind by the Clergy, as they are the Teachers and Supporters of Virtue and Morality, without which no Society could long subsist, prudent Men should be very cautious how they say or write any thing that might bring them into Contempt, and thereby weaken their Hands and render their Labours ineffectual. If this Writer is a Man of good Sense, as I am willing to think he is, I am persuaded this single Consideration will be sufficient to prevail with him never more to employ his Pen in so unjustifiable a manner. For my Part, I am entirely unacquainted with the Fact, the Relation of which this Writer pretends to have at first believ'd, till the Story of the _Jamaica_ Curate stagger'd his Faith. If he really believ'd the Relation at first, I cannot see why that Story should stagger his Faith in the least: For tho' one Man's Ears may be as good as another's when both are awake and in Company, it does not thence follow that one Man may not sleep sounder than another when in Bed. Besides, as far as we know, _there is nothing absolutely impossible in the Thing it self:_ We cannot be certain there are no Spirits existing; it is rather highly probable that there are: But we are sure that if Spirits do exist, we are very ignorant of their Natures, and know neither their Motives nor Methods of Acting, nor can we tell by what Means they may render themselves perceptible to our Senses. Those who have contemplated the Nature of Animals seem to be convinced that Spirit can act upon Matter, for they ascribe the Motion of the Body to the Will and Power of the Mind. Anatomists also tell us, that there are Nerves of Communication from all Parts of the Body to the Brain: And Philosophers assure us, that the Vibrations of the Air striking on the Auditory Nerves, give to the Brain the Sensation of what we call Sound; and that the Rays of Light striking on the optic Nerves, communicate a Motion to the Brain which forms there the Image of that Thing from which those Rays were reflected: We find that a sudden Blow upon the Eye shakes the visual Nerve in the same Manner as when Light strikes it, and therefore we think we see a Light, when there is no such Thing at that Time visible without us, and no one standing by can see it, but the Person that is struck alone. Now, how can we be assur'd that it is not in the Power of a Spirit _without_ the body to operate in a like manner on the Nerves of Sight, and give them the same Vibrations as when a certain Object appears before the Eye, (tho' no such Object is really present) and accordingly make a particular Man see the Apparition of any Person or Thing at Pleasure, when no One else in Company can see it? May not such a Spirit likewise occasion the same Vibrations in the auditory Nerves as when the Sound of a Drum, or any other Sound, is heard, and thereby affect the Party in the same manner as a real Drum beating in the Room would do, tho' no one hears it but himself. Perhaps I need not have said all this to a Person who believes _the well-attested Story of the Drummer of Tedsworth_, since there are many other Stories, equally incontestible with that, by which reasonable Men are convinc'd that Spirits do not only actually exist, but are able to make themselves sometimes both seen and heard. In the Close of his Letter, after paying a Complement to your _profound Learning and Judgment_, he requests _your Opinion, _whether he ought to give Credit to the said Relation, tho' it be attested by two Reverend Fathers_. Since you have not thought proper to say any thing to it, I beg Leave to give the Gentleman my Opinion, which is, _That he may very safely believe it_, and that for the following Reasons. 1. Because, as I have shewn above, there is nothing absolutely impossible in the Thing it self. 2. Because they were Men of Probity, Learning and sound good Sense, who related this Fact to him upon their own Knowledge. If they were not such, 'tis presum'd they would not have been thought proper Persons to be made publick Instructors. 3. Because they both concur'd in the same Testimony; and it cannot be imagin'd what Interest they should have in contriving together to impose a Falshood of that Nature upon him; since they could expect Nothing but to be ridicul'd for their Pains, both by him and every other unthinking Sceptic in the Country. If you insert this Epistle in your next Gazette, I shall believe you did not approve of That I have been writing against, and shall continue, _SIR,_ _Your real Friend and constant Reader,_ PHILOCLERUS. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 7, 1730 _An Unlucky She-Wrestler_ We have here an unlucky She-Wrestler who has lately thrown a young Weaver, and broke his Leg, so that tis thought he will not be able to tread the Treadles these two Months. In the mean Time, however, he may employ himself in winding Quills. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 23, 1730 _Rules and Maxims for Promoting Matrimonial Happiness_ _Ver novum, ver jam canorum, vere natus Orbis est: Vere concordant amores, vere nubent alites_ -- Catul. _Faelices ter, & amplius, Quos irrupta tenet Copula: nec malis Divulsis Querimoniis Suprema citius solvet amor die_. Horat. The happy State of Matrimony is, undoubtedly, the surest and most lasting Foundation of Comfort and Love; the Source of all that endearing Tenderness and Affection which arises from Relation and Affinity; the grand Point of Property; the Cause of all good Order in the World, and what alone preserves it from the utmost Confusion; and, to sum up all, the Appointment of infinite Wisdom for these great and good Purposes. Notwithstanding, such is the Perverseness of human Nature, and so easy is it to misuse the best of Things, that by the Folly and Ill-behaviour of those who enter into it, this is very often made a State of the most exquisite Wretchedness and Misery; which gives the wild and vicious Part of Mankind but too much reason to rail against it, and treat it with Contempt. Wherefore, it highly becomes the virtuous of both Sexes, by the Prudence of their Conduct, to redeem this noble Institution from those unjust Reproaches which it at present labours under, and restore it to the Honour and Esteem it merits, by endeavouring to make each other as happy as they can. I am now about to lay down such Rules and Maxims as I think most practicable and conducive towards the End and Happiness of Matrimony. And these I address to all Females that would be married, or are already so; not that I suppose their Sex more faulty than the other, and most to want Advice, for I assure them, upon my Honour, I believe the quite contrary; but the Reason is, because I esteem them better disposed to receive and practice it, and therefore am willing to begin, where I may promise myself the best Success. Besides, if there is any Truth in Proverbs, _Good Wives_ usually make _Good Husbands_. _RULES and MAXIMS for promoting_ Matrimonial Happiness. _Address'd to all_ Widows, Wives, _and_ Spinsters. The likeliest Way, either to obtain a _good Husband_, or to keep one _so_, is to be _Good_ yourself. Never use a _Lover_ ill whom you design to make your _Husband_, lest he either upbraid you with it, or return it afterwards: and if you find, at any Time, an Inclination to play the Tyrant, remember these two Lines of Truth and Justice. _Gently shall those be_ rul'd, _who_ gently _sway'd;_ Abject _shall those_ obey, _who_ haughty _were_ obey'd. Avoid, both before and after Marriage, all Thoughts of _managing_ your Husband. Never endeavour to deceive or impose on his Understanding: nor give him _Uneasiness_ (as some do very foolishly) to _try_ his Temper; but treat him always beforehand with _Sincerity_, and afterwards with _Affection_ and _Respect_. Be not over sanguine before Marriage, nor promise your self Felicity without Alloy, for that's impossible to be attain'd in this present State of Things. Consider beforehand, that the Person you are going to spend your Days with, is a Man, and not an Angel; and if, when you come together, you discover any Thing in his Humour or Behaviour that is not altogether so agreeable as you expected, _pass it over as a humane Frailty_: smooth your Brow; compose your Temper; and try to amend it by _Cheerfulness_ and Good-nature. Remember always, that whatever Misfortunes may happen to either, they are not to be charg'd to the Account of _Matrimony_, but to the Accidents and Infirmities of humane Life, a Burthen which each has engaged to assist the other in supporting, and to which both Parties are equally expos'd. Therefore, instead of _Murmurs_, _Reflections_, and _Disagreement_, whereby the _Weight_ is rendred abundantly more _grievous_, readily put your Shoulders to the Yoke, and make it easier to both. Resolve every Morning to be _good-natur'd_ and CHEERFUL that Day: and if any Accident should happen to break that Resolution, suffer it not to put you out of Temper with every Thing besides, and especially with your Husband. Dispute not with him, be the Occasion what it will; but much rather deny yourself the trivial Satisfaction of having your own Will, or gaining the better of an Argument, than risk a Quarrel or create an Heart-burning, which it's impossible to know the End of. Be assured, a Woman's Power, as well as Happiness, has no other Foundation but her Husband's Esteem and Love, which consequently it is her undoubted Interest by all Means possible to preserve and increase. Do you, therefore, study his Temper, and command your own; enjoy his Satisfaction with him, share and sooth his Cares, and with the utmost Diligence conceal his Infirmities. Read frequently with due Attention the Matrimonial Service; and take care in doing so, not to overlook the Word _Obey_. In your Prayers be sure to add a Clause for Grace to make you a good Wife; and at the same Time, resolve to do your utmost endeavour towards it. Always wear your Wedding Ring, for therein lies more Virtue than usually is imagined. If you are ruffled unawares, assaulted with improper Thoughts, or tempted in any kind against your Duty, cast your Eyes upon it, and call to Mind, who gave it you, where it was received, and what passed at that solemn Time. Let the Tenderness of your conjugal Love be expressed with such Decency, Delicacy and Prudence, as that it may appear plainly and thorowly distinct from the designing Fondness of an Harlot. Have you any Concern for your own Ease, or for your Husband's Esteem? then, have a due Regard to his Income and Circumstances in all your Expences and Desires: For if Necessity should follow, you run the greatest Hazard of being deprived of both. Let not many Days pass together without a serious Examination how you have behaved as a Wife, and if upon Reflection you find your self guilty of any Foibles or Omissions, the best Attonement is, to be exactly careful of your future Conduct. I am fully persuaded, that a strict Adherence to the foregoing Rules would equally advance the Honour of Matrimony, and the _Glory_ of the _Fair Sex_: And since the greatest Part of them, with a very little Alteration, are as proper for Husbands as for Wives to practice, I recommend them accordingly to their Consideration, and hope, in a short time, to receive Acknowledgments from _married Persons_ of _both Sexes_ for the Benefit they receive thereby. And now, in behalf of my _unlearned Readers_, I beg Leave of my _learned Ones_, to conclude this Discourse with Mr. _Creech_'s Translation of that Part of _Horace_ which I have taken for the _Motto_ of this Paper. _Thrice happy_ They, _that free from_ Strife, _Maintain a_ Love _as long as Life: Whose fixt and binding Vows, No intervening_ Jealousy, _No_ Fears _and no_ Debates _untye; And_ Death _alone can loose_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 8, 1730 _A Witch Trial at Mount Holly_ _Burlington, Oct_. 12. Saturday last at _Mount-Holly_, about 8 Miles from this Place, near 300 People were gathered together to see an Experiment or two tried on some Persons accused of Witchcraft. It seems the Accused had been charged with making their Neighbours Sheep dance in an uncommon Manner, and with causing Hogs to speak, and sing Psalms, &c. to the great Terror and Amazement of the King's good and peaceable Subjects in this Province; and the Accusers being very positive that if the Accused were weighed in Scales against a Bible, the Bible would prove too heavy for them; or that, if they were bound and put into the River, they would swim; the said Accused desirous to make their Innocence appear, voluntarily offered to undergo the said Trials, if 2 of the most violent of their Accusers would be tried with them. Accordingly the Time and Place was agreed on, and advertised about the Country; The Accusers were 1 Man and 1 Woman; and the Accused the same. The Parties being met, and the People got together, a grand Consultation was held, before they proceeded to Trial; in which it was agreed to use the Scales first; and a Committee of Men were appointed to search the Men, and a Committee of Women to search the Women, to see if they had any Thing of Weight about them, particularly Pins. After the Scrutiny was over, a huge great Bible belonging to the Justice of the Place was provided, and a Lane through the Populace was made from the Justices House to the Scales, which were fixed on a Gallows erected for that Purpose opposite to the House, that the Justice's Wife and the rest of the Ladies might see the Trial, without coming amongst the Mob; and after the Manner of _Moorfields_, a large Ring was also made. Then came out of the House a grave tall Man carrying the Holy Writ before the supposed Wizard, &c. (as solemnly as the Sword-bearer of _London_ before the Lord Mayor) the Wizard was first put in the Scale, and over him was read a Chapter out of the Books of _Moses_, and then the Bible was put in the other Scale, (which being kept down before) was immediately let go; but to the great Surprize of the Spectators, Flesh and Bones came down plump, and outweighed that great good Book by abundance. After the same Manner, the others were served, and their Lumps of Mortality severally were too heavy for _Moses_ and all the Prophets and Apostles. This being over, the Accusers and the rest of the Mob, not satisfied with this Experiment, would have the Trial by Water; accordingly a most solemn Procession was made to the Mill-pond; where both Accused and Accusers being stripp'd (saving only to the Women their Shifts) were bound Hand and Foot, and severally placed in the Water, lengthways, from the Side of a Barge or Flat, having for Security only a Rope about the Middle of each, which was held by some in the Flat. The Accuser Man being thin and spare, with some Difficulty began to sink at last; but the rest every one of them swam very light upon the Water. A Sailor in the Flat jump'd out upon the Back of the Man accused, thinking to drive him down to the Bottom; but the Person bound, without any Help, came up some time before the other. The Woman Accuser, being told that she did not sink, would be duck'd a second Time; when she swam again as light as before. Upon which she declared, That she believed the Accused had bewitched her to make her so light, and that she would be duck'd again a Hundred Times, but she would duck the Devil out of her. The accused Man, being surpriz'd at his own Swimming, was not so confident of his Innocence as before, but said, _If I am a Witch, it is more than I know._ The more thinking Part of the Spectators were of Opinion, that any Person so bound and plac'd in the Water (unless they were mere Skin and Bones) would swim till their Breath was gone, and their Lungs fill'd with Water. But it being the general Belief of the Populace, that the Womens Shifts, and the Garters with which they were bound help'd to support them; it is said they are to be tried again the next warm Weather, naked. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 22, 1730 _The Aurora Borealis_ Last Thursday Evening there was seen throughout this Province in the N. East, a very bright Appearance of the _Aurora Borealis_, or Northern Twilight. It seems this kind of Meteor never appears near the Equator, and has therefore obtained the above Name. In 1716, March 6. there was one visible to the West of _Ireland_, Confines of _Russia_, and to the East of _Poland_; extending at least near 30 deg. of Longitude, and 50 deg. in Latitude, that is, over almost all the North of _Europe_; it continued three Nights successively, and in all Places at the same time it exhibited the like wondrous Circumstances. In the Years 1707 and 1708, five small ones were observ'd in little more than eighteen Months. But a sufficient Number of Observations have not yet been made by the Curious, to enable them to assign the Cause of this Phaenomenon with any Certainty. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 29, 1730 _The Earliest New-England Immigrants_ Sometime since, the following Lines were found stuck on the outside of the Door of the Council Chamber. _Our Fathers pass'd the wide_ Atlantick _Sea, And bless'd themselves when in the Desert Free: And shall their Sons thro' Treachery and Fear, Give up that Freedom which has cost so dear? Whate'er Pretence our Enemies may frame, The Man is alter'd, but the Cause the same. From_ Caesar'_s Court should_ Cato _fawning come, Be sure that_ Cato _is no Friend to_ Rome. To which a Gentleman in _New-York_ has wrote the following Answer. _Their Fathers crost the wide_ Atlantick Sea, _To be in Desarts from their_ Deserts _free; And shall their Sons with glaring Insolence Support a Cause so void of common Sense? What-e'er Pretence this stubborn People frame, The Case is alter'd, but the Men the same. From_ Caesar'_s Court should a new Ruler come, Be sure they'll starve him, as they've others done._ Whatever Wit there may be in this Answer, it contains one Reflection not altogether just: Since 'tis certain, that the greatest Part of the Settlers of New-England removed thither on no other Account than for the sake of enjoying their Liberty, especially their religious Liberties, in greater Security: Being persecuted at home, as _Puritans_ in the Reign of _James_ I. and among all other Dissenters in the Reign of _Charles_ II. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 5, 1730 _Lying Shopkeepers_ _Veritas Luce clarior_. A Friend of mine was the other Day cheapening some Trifles at a Shopkeepers, and after a few Words, they agreed on a Price; at the lapping up this Purchase, the Mistress of the Shop told him, People were grown very hard, for she actually lost by every thing she sold: How then is it possible, replied my Friend, that you can keep on your Business? Indeed, Sir, answer'd she, I must of Necessity shut my Doors, had I not a very great Trade. The Reason, said my Friend, with a Sneer, is admirable. There are a great many Retailers, who falsly imagine that being _Historical_ (the modern Phrase for _Lying_) is much for their Advantage; and some of them have a Saying, _That 'tis a Pity Lying is a Sin, it is so useful in Trade_; tho', if they would examine into the Reason why a Number of Shopkeepers raise considerable Estates, while others, who have set out with better Fortunes have become Bankrupts; they will find, that the former made up with Truth, Diligence and Probity, what they wanted in Stock, and the latter have been guilty of imposing on such Customers as they found had no Skill in their Goods. The former's Character raises a Credit which supplies the Want of Fortune, and their fair Dealing, brings them Custom; whereas none will return to buy of him, by whom he has been once defrauded. If People in Trade would judge rightly, we might buy blindfold, and they would save, both to themselves and Customers, the uneasiness of Haggling. Though there are Numbers of Shopkeepers, who scorn that mean Vice of _Lying_, and whose Word may very safely be relied on; yet there are too many, who will endeavour to deceive, and, backing their Falsities with Asseverations, pawn their Salvation to raise their Price. As Example works more than Precept, and my sole View being the Good and Interest of my Countrymen, whom I could wish without Vice or Folly, I shall shew the Esteem of _Truth_, and the Abbhorrence of _Falsity_ among the Antients. _Augustus_ triumphing over _Mark Anthony_ and _Cleopatra_, among other Captives, brought to _Rome_ a Priest about 60 Years old. The Senate being inform'd that this Man was never detected in a _Lie_, and thought never to have been guilty of one, not only restored him to his Liberty, but made him a High Priest, and raised him a Statue. This Priest thus honoured, was an _Aegyptian_, and an Enemy to _Rome_, but this Virtue cover'd all Obstacles: Whereas _Pamphilus_ was a _Roman_ Citizen, whose Body was deny'd Burial, his Estate confiscated, his House raz'd, and his Wife and Children banished the _Roman_ Territories, for his having been a noted and irreclaimable _Liar_. Can there be a greater Demonstration of Respect to Truth than this of the _Romans_, who raised an Enemy to the greatest Honour, and exposed a Citizen's Family to the greatest Contumely! There is no Excuse for _Lying_, neither is there any equally despicable and dangerous with a _Liar_, no Man being in Safety who frequents his Company; for who will _lie_ (says the _English_ Proverb) will _swear_; and such an one may take away my Life, turn my Family a begging, and ruin my Reputation, whenever he shall find it for his Interest: For if a Man will _lie_ and _swear_ in his Shop to get a Trifle, why should we question his doing of it, when he may hope to make his Fortune by his _Perjury_! the Crime is in itself so mean, that to call a Man a _Liar_, is every where esteem'd an Affront not to be forgiven. If any have Lenity enough to allow the _Dealer_'s Excuse for this base Practice, yet I believe they will allow none for the _Gentleman_ who is addicted to this Vice, and must look upon him as a Wretch undeserving the Name; and that the World does so, is visible, by the Contempt with which he is mentioned whenever there is Occasion to name him. _Epimenides_ the Philosopher, gave the _Rhodians_ this Definition of Truth, That she was Companion of the Gods, the Joy of Heaven, the Light of the Earth, the Basis of Justice, and the Foundation of good Policy. _Eschines_ told the same People, that Truth was a Virtue, without which, Force was enfeebled, Justice corrupted; Humility was Dissimulation, Patience intolerable, Chastity dissembled, Liberty lost, and Pity superfluous. _Pharmacus_ the Philosopher; told the _Romans_, that Truth was the Centre in which all Things rested; a Chart to sail by, a Remedy for all Evils, and a Light to the whole World. _Anaxarchus_ speaking of _Truth_, to the _Lacedemonians_, said, It was Health incapable of Sickness; Life not subject to Death; an Elixir which healeth all; a Sun not to be obscur'd; a Moon without Eclipse; an Herb which never withereth; a Gate that is never closed, and a Path which never fatigues the Traveller. But if we are blind to the Beauties of _Truth_, it's astonishing that we should not open our Eyes to the Inconveniencies of Falsities; for a Man given to Romance, must be always on his Guard, for Fear of contradicting, and exposing himself to the Derision of his Hearers: For the most _Historical_ would avoid the odious Character; tho' 'tis impossible for any, with all their Circumspection, to travel long in this Road, without being discover'd; and then what Shame, what Confusion follows! he is continually anxious to hide himself from the Knowledge of the World, and loads his Memory with Trifles, for fear of being taken with his own Words. Whereas, who is a Votary to _Truth_, never hesitates for an Answer, never wrecks his Invention, to make the Sequel quadrate with the foregoing Part of his Discourse; is not obliged to burden his Memory with minute Circumstances, since Truth easily recollects them, speaks openly, and will repeat the same Things often, without varying; which a _Liar_ can hardly do, without that necessary Gift, a good Memory. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 19, 1730 _Replies by "Betty Diligent" and "Mercator"_ _As a Nail sticketh fast between the Joinings of the Stones, so doth Sin stick close between Buying and Selling._ Apocrypha. We have received the two following Letters, relating to our _Gazette_ of the 19th past. The first is from a _Shopkeeper_, and the other from a _Merchant_. _To the Author of the_ GAZETTE. _SIR,_ `I am a Shopkeeper in this City, and I suppose am the Person at whom some Reflections are aimed in one of your late Papers. It is an easy Matter for Gentlemen that can write, to say a great deal upon any Subject, and to censure Faults of which perhaps they are as guilty as other People. I cannot help thinking that Paper is wrote with much Partiality, and is a very unfair Representation of Things. Shopkeepers are therein accus'd of _Lying_, as if they were the only Persons culpable, without the least Notice being taken of the general Lying practis'd by _Customers_. _I am sure 'tis very ordinary at that Price; I have bought much better at such a one's Shop for less Money;_ are very common Falsities repeated on this Occasion, almost worn threadbare; but some have even the Confidence to aver, _that they have bought cheaper of me;_ when I know the Price they mention is less than the Goods cost me. In short, they will tell a hundred Lies to undervalue our Goods, and make our Demands appear extravagant: So that the Blame of all the Lying properly belongs to the Customers that come to buy; because if the Shopkeepers strain the Truth a little now and then, they are forc'd to do it in their own Defence. In hopes you will do us Justice in this Affair, I remain, _Your Friend and Servant,_ Betty Diligent.' Mr. _Gazetteer_, `You have in a late Paper very justly taken Notice of, and censur'd the too common Practice of Lying used by Shopkeepers in _selling_ their Goods; but you have omitted just one half the Story, _viz._ their Lying when they come to the Stores to _buy_. I believe they think Lying full as convenient and beneficial in _buying_ their Goods as selling them; for to my Knowledge some of them are most egregiously guilty in this Particular. _I am, Sir, Yours_, &c. Mercator.' _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 3, 1730 _On the Providence of God in the Government of the World_ When I consider my own Weakness, and the discerning Judgment of those who are to be my Audience, I cannot help blaming my self considerably, for this rash Undertaking of mine, it being a Thing I am altogether ill practis'd in and very much unqualified for; I am especially discouraged when I reflect that you are all my intimate Pot Companions who have heard me say a 1000 silly Things in Conversations, and therefore have not that laudable Partiality and Veneration for whatever I shall deliver that Good People commonly have for their Spiritual Guides; that You have no Reverence for my Habit, nor for the Sanctity of my Countenance; that you do not believe me inspir'd or divinely assisted, and therefore will think your Selves at Liberty to assent or dissent approve or disapprove of any Thing I advance, canvassing and sifting it as the private Opinion of one of your Acquaintance. These are great Disadvantages and Discouragements but I am enter'd and must proceed, humbly requesting your Patience and Attention. I propose at this Time to discourse on the Subject of our last Conversation: the Providence of God in the Government of the World. I shall not attempt to amuse you with Flourishes of Rhetorick, were I master of that deceitful Science because I know ye are Men of substantial Reason and can easily discern between sound Argument and the false Glosses of Oratory; nor shall I endeavour to impose on your Ears, by a musical Accent in delivery, in the Tone of one violently affected with what he says; for well I know that ye are far from being superstitious or fond of unmeaning Noise, and that ye believe a Thing to be no more true for being sung than said. I intend to offer you nothing but plain Reasoning, devoid of Art and Ornament; unsupported by the Authority of any Books or Men how sacred soever; because I know that no Authority is more convincing to Men of Reason than the Authority of Reason itself. It might be judg'd an Affront to your Understandings should I go about to prove this first Principle, the Existence of a Deity and that he is the Creator of the Universe, for that would suppose you ignorant of what all Mankind in all Ages have agreed in. I shall therefore proceed to observe: 1. That he must be a Being of great Wisdom; 2. That he must be a Being of great Goodness and 3. That he must be a Being of great Power. That he must be a Being of infinite Wisdom, appears in his admirable Order and Disposition of Things, whether we consider the heavenly Bodies, the Stars and Planets, and their wonderful regular Motions, or this Earth compounded of such an Excellent mixture of all the Elements; or the admirable Structure of Animal Bodies of such infinite Variety, and yet every one adapted to its Nature, and the Way of Life it is to be placed in, whether on Earth, in the Air or in the Waters, and so exactly that the highest and most exquisite human Reason, cannot find a fault and say this would have been better so or in another Manner, which whoever considers attentively and thoroughly will be astonish'd and swallow'd up in Admiration. 2. That the Deity is a Being of great Goodness, appears in his giving Life to so many Creatures, each of which acknowledge it a Benefit by their Unwillingness to leave it; in his providing plentiful Sustenance for them all, and making those Things that are most useful, most common and easy to be had; such as Water necessary for almost every Creature's Drink; Air without which few could subsist, the inexpressible Benefits of Light and Sunshine to almost all Animals in general; and to Men the most useful Vegetables, such as Corn, the most useful of Metals as Iron, and the most useful Animals, as Horses, Oxen and Sheep, he has made easiest to raise, or procure in Quantity or Numbers: each of which particulars if considered seriously and carefully would fill us with the highest Love and Affection. 3. That he is a Being of infinite Power appears, in his being able to form and compound such Vast Masses of Matter as this Earth and the Sun and innumerable Planets and Stars, and give them such prodigious Motion, and yet so to govern them in their greatest Velocity as that they shall not flie off out of their appointed Bounds nor dash one against another, to their mutual Destruction; but 'tis easy to conceive his Power, when we are convinc'd of his infinite Knowledge and Wisdom; for if weak and foolish Creatures as we are, by knowing the Nature of a few Things can produce such wonderful Effects; such as for instance by knowing the Nature only of Nitre and Sea Salt mix'd we can make a Water which will dissolve the hardest Iron and by adding one Ingredient more, can make another Water which will dissolve Gold and render the most Solid Bodies fluid -- and by knowing the Nature of Salt Peter Sulphur and Charcoal those mean Ingredients mix'd we can shake the Air in the most terrible Manner, destroy Ships Houses and Men at a Distance and in an Instant, overthrow Cities, rend Rocks into a Thousand Pieces, and level the highest Mountains. What Power must he possess who not only knows the Nature of every Thing in the Universe, but can make Things of new Natures with the greatest Ease and at his Pleasure! Agreeing then that the World was at first made by a Being of infinite Wisdom, Goodness and Power, which Being we call God; The State of Things ever since and at this Time must be in one of these four following manners, viz. 1. Either he unchangeably decreed and appointed every Thing that comes to pass; and left nothing to the Course of Nature, nor allow'd any Creature free agency. or 2. Without decreeing any thing, he left all to general Nature and the Events of Free Agency in his Creatures, which he never alters or interrupts. or 3. He decreed some Things unchangeably, and left others to general Nature and the Events of Free agency, which also he never alters or interrupts; or 4. He sometimes interferes by his particular Providence and sets aside the Effects which would otherwise have been produced by any of the Above Causes. I shall endeavour to shew the first 3 Suppositions to be inconsistent with the common Light of Reason; and that the 4th is most agreeable to it, and therefore most probably true. In the 1. place. If you say he has in the Beginning unchangeably decreed all Things and left Nothing to Nature or free Agency. These Strange Conclusions will necessarily follow; 1. That he is now no more a God. 'Tis true indeed, before he had made such unchangeable Decree, he was a Being of Power, Almighty; but now having determin'd every Thing, he has divested himself of all further Power, he has done and has no more to do, he has ty'd up his Hands, and has now no greater Power than an Idol of Wood or Stone; nor can there be any more Reason for praying to him or worshipping of him, than of such an Idol for the Worshippers can be never the better for such Worship. Then 2. he has decreed some things contrary to the very Notion of a wise and good Being; Such as that some of his Creatures or Children shall do all Manner of Injury to others and bring every kind of Evil upon them without Cause; that some of them shall even blaspheme him their Creator in the most horrible manner; and, which is still more highly absurd that he has decreed the greatest Part of Mankind, shall in all Ages, put up their earnest Prayers to him both in private and publickly in great Assemblies, when all the while he had so determin'd their Fate that he could not possibly grant them any Benefits on that Account, nor could such Prayers be any way available. Why then should he ordain them to make such Prayers? It cannot be imagined they are of any Service to him. Surely it is not more difficult to believe the World was made by a God of Wood or Stone, than that the God who made the World should be such a God as this. In the 2. Place. If you say he has decreed nothing but left all things to general Nature, and the Events of Free Agency, which he never alters or interrupts. Then these Conclusions will follow; He must either utterly hide him self from the Works of his Hands, and take no Notice at all of their Proceedings natural or moral; or he must be as undoubtedly he is, a Spectator of every thing; for there can be no Reason or Ground to suppose the first -- I say there can be no Reason to imagine he would make so glorious a Universe meerly to abandon it. In this Case imagine the Deity looking on and beholding the Ways of his Creatures; some Hero's in Virtue he sees are incessantly indeavouring the Good of others, they labour thro vast difficulties, they suffer incredible Hardships and Miseries to accomplish this End, in hopes to please a Good God, and obtain his Favour, which they earnestly Pray for; what Answer can he make them within himself but this; _take the Reward Chance may give you, I do not intermeddle in these Affairs;_ he sees others continually doing all manner of Evil, and bringing by their Actions Misery and Destruction among Mankind: What can he say here but this, _if Chance rewards you I shall not punish you, I am not to be concerned._ He sees the just, the innocent and the Beneficent in the Hands of the wicked and violent Oppressor; and when the good are at the Brink of Destruction they pray to him, _thou, O God, art mighty and powerful to save; help us we beseech thee:_ He answers, _I cannot help you, 'tis none of my Business nor do I at all regard these things._ How is it possible to believe a wise and an infinitely Good Being can be delighted in this Circumstance; and be utterly unconcern'd what becomes of the Beings and Things he has created; for thus, we must believe him idle and unactive, and that his glorious Attributes of Power, Wisdom and Goodness are no more to be made use of. In the Third Place. If you say he has decreed some things and left others to the Events of Nature and Free Agency, Which he never alters or interrupts; Still you unGod him, if I may be allow'd the Expression; he has nothing to do; he can cause us neither Good nor Harm; he is no more to be regarded than a lifeless Image, than Dagon, or Baall, or Bell and the Dragon; and as in both the other Suppositions foregoing, that Being which from its Power is most able to Act, from its Wisdom knows best how to act, and from its Goodness would always certainly act best, is in this Opinion supposed to become the most unactive of all Beings and remain everlastingly Idle; an Absurdity, which when considered or but barely seen, cannot be swallowed without doing the greatest Violence to common Reason, and all the Faculties of the Understanding. We are then necessarily driven into the fourth Supposition, That the Deity sometimes interferes by his particular Providence, and sets aside the Events which would otherwise have been produc'd in the Course of Nature, or by the Free Agency of Men; and this is perfectly agreeable with what we can know of his Attributes and Perfections: But as some may doubt whether 'tis possible there should be such a Thing as free Agency in Creatures; I shall just offer one Short Argument on that Account and proceed to shew how the Duties of Religion necessary follow the Belief of a Providence. You acknowledge that God is infinitely Powerful, Wise and Good, and also a free Agent; and you will not deny that he has communicated to us part of his Wisdom, Power and Goodness; i.e. he has made us in some Degree Wise, potent and good; and is it then impossible for him to communicate any Part of his Freedom, and make us also in some Degree Free? Is not even his _infinite_ Power sufficient for this? I should be glad to hear what Reason any Man can give for thinking in that Manner; 'tis sufficient for me to shew tis not impossible, and no Man I think can shew 'tis improbable, but much more might be offer'd to demonstrate clearly that Men are in some Degree free Agents, and accountable for their Actions; however, this I may possibly reserve for another separate Discourse hereafter if I find Occasion. Lastly If God does not sometimes interfere by his Providence tis either because he cannot, or because he will not; which of these Positions will you chuse? There is a righteous Nation grievously oppress'd by a cruel Tyrant, they earnestly intreat God to deliver them; If you say he cannot, you deny his infinite Power, which you at first acknowledg'd; if you say he will not, you must directly deny his infinite Goodness. You are then of necessity oblig'd to allow, that 'tis highly reasonable to believe a Providence because tis highly absurd to believe otherwise. Now if tis unreasonable to suppose it out of the Power of the Deity to help and favour us particularly or that we are out of his Hearing or Notice or that Good Actions do not procure more of his Favour than ill Ones. Then I conclude, that believing a Providence we have the Foundation of all true Religion; for we should love and revere that Deity for his Goodness and thank him for his Benefits; we should adore him for his Wisdom, fear him for his Power, and pray to him for his Favour and Protection; and this Religion will be a Powerful Regulater of our Actions, give us Peace and Tranquility within our own Minds, and render us Benevolent, Useful and Beneficial to others. 1730 _Compassion and Regard for the Sick_ --------- _Mors sola fatetur Quantula sunt hominum corpuscula _ ------ Juv. _Post obitum bene facta manent, aeternaq; virtus Non metuit Stygiis nec rapiatur aquis._ Among all the innumerable Species of Animals which inhabit the Air, Earth and Water, so exceedingly different in their Production, their Properties, and the Manner of their Existence, and so varied in Form, that even of the same Kind it can scarce be said there are two Individuals in all Respects alike; it is remarkable there are none, within our Observation, distinguish'd from the rest by this Particular, _that they are by Nature incapable of DISEASES_. The old Poets, how extravagant soever in their Fictions, durst never offend so far against Nature and Probability, as even to feign such a Thing; and though they made _Achilles_ invulnerable from Head to Foot, and clad him beside in impenetrable Armour forg'd by the Immortals, yet they were oblig'd to leave one soft Place in his Heel, how small soever, for Destruction to enter at. But though every Animal that hath Life is liable to Death, Man of all other Creatures has the greatest Number of _Diseases_ to his Share; whether they are the Effects of our Intemperance and Vice, or are given us that we may have a greater Opportunity of exercising towards each other that Virtue which most of all recommends us to the Deity, I mean _CHARITY._ The great Author of our Faith, whose Life should be the constant Object of our Imitation, as far as it is not inimitable, always shew'd the greatest Compassion and Regard for the _SICK_; he disdain'd not to Visit and minister Comfort and Health to the meanest of the People, and he frequently inculcated the same Disposition in his Doctrine and Precepts to his Disciples. For this one Thing (in that beautiful Parable of the Traveller wounded by Thieves) the _Samaritan_, (who was esteemed no better than an Heretick or an Infidel by the Orthodox of those Times) is prefer'd to the _Priest_ and the _Levite_; because he did not, like them, pass by regardless of the Distress of his Brother Mortal, but when he came to the Place where the half-dead Traveller lay, he _had Compassion on him, and WENT TO HIM, and bound up his Wounds, pouring in Oyl and Wine, and set him on his own Beast, and brought him to an Inn, and TOOK CARE OF HIM_. The Rich Man also is represented as being excluded from the Happiness of Heaven, because he fared sumptuously every Day, and had Plenty of all Things, and yet neglected to comfort and assist his poor Neighbour who was helpless and _full of Sores_, and might perhaps have been revived and restored with small Care, _with the Crums that fell from his Table_. -- _I was SICK and ye VISITED me_, is one of the Terms of Admission into Bliss, and the contrary a Cause of Exclusion: That is, as our Saviour himself explains it, _Ye have visited, or ye have not visited, assisted and comforted those who stood in need of it, even tho' they were the least or meanest of Mankind._ This Branch of _Charity_ seems essential to the true Spirit of Christianity; and it should be extended to all in general, whether deserving or undeserving, as far as our Power reaches. Of the ten Lepers that were cleansed, nine seem to have been much more unworthy than the tenth, yet in respect of their Disease they equally shared the Goodness of God. And when the great Physician sent forth his Disciples, he always gave them a particular Charge, _that into whatsoever City they entred, they should heal_ all _the Sick,_ without distinction. Now tho' in these Days we cannot work Miracles, and are not all Physicians; yet in this time of general Distress by Sickness, there are few Persons that have their Health, but what have Opportunity enough of exercising that humane and Christian Virtue, which teaches a tender Regard for the Afflicted. It is thought by some, that in the present Distemper, a greater Number have been heretofore lost for want of suitable Care and Attendance, than thro' the natural Malignity of the Disease. The Rich have Visitors enough, and Advice enough; but perhaps there may be some poor Families, where not only those few that are well, have their Health endanger'd by the constant Fatigue of Watching Night and Day, but the Sick suffer much for want of Friends to offer their Assistance. The good _Samaritan_ gave _Money_ to the Host where he had lodg'd his Patient, and said, _TAKE CARE OF HIM, and what thou spendest more, I will repay thee._ If our Circumstances will not afford This, we may at least be helpful in Visiting, Watching, and doing many other kind Things, which the Poor have almost as much in their Power as the Wealthy. Now if the Considerations of Religion and Humanity have not the Effect they ought to have on the Minds of some, perhaps this Observation, which generally holds true, may have its weight with the Self-interested, _That there are no Kindnesses done by one Man to another, which are remembred so long, and so frequently return'd with Gratitude, as those received in Sickness, whether they are only present Comforts, or assist in restoring Health_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 25, 1731 _English Officials for America_ We hear from _North-Carolina_, That Governor _Burrington_ is arrived there, accompanied by several Gentlemen, who are to have the chief Places of Profit and Trust in that Government. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 27, 1731 _Apology for Printers_ Being frequently censur'd and condemn'd by different Persons for printing Things which they say ought not to be printed, I have sometimes thought it might be necessary to make a standing Apology for my self, and publish it once a Year, to be read upon all Occasions of that Nature. Much Business has hitherto hindered the execution of this Design; but having very lately given extraordinary Offence by printing an Advertisement with a certain _N.B._ at the End of it, I find an Apology more particularly requisite at this Juncture, tho' it happens when I have not yet Leisure to write such a thing in the proper Form, and can only in a loose manner throw those Considerations together which should have been the Substance of it. I request all who are angry with me on the Account of printing things they don't like, calmly to consider these following Particulars 1. That the Opinions of Men are almost as various as their Faces; an Observation general enough to become a common Proverb, _So many Men so many Minds._ 2. That the Business of Printing has chiefly to do with Mens Opinions; most things that are printed tending to promote some, or oppose others. 3. That hence arises the peculiar Unhappiness of that Business, which other Callings are no way liable to; they who follow Printing being scarce able to do any thing in their way of getting a Living, which shall not probably give Offence to some, and perhaps to many; whereas the Smith, the Shoemaker, the Carpenter, or the Man of any other Trade, may work indifferently for People of all Persuasions, without offending any of them: and the Merchant may buy and sell with Jews, Turks, Hereticks, and Infidels of all sorts, and get Money by every one of them, without giving Offence to the most orthodox, of any sort; or suffering the least Censure or Ill-will on the Account from any Man whatever. 4. That it is as unreasonable in any one Man or Set of Men to expect to be pleas'd with every thing that is printed, as to think that nobody ought to be pleas'd but themselves. 5. Printers are educated in the Belief, that when Men differ in Opinion, both Sides ought equally to have the Advantage of being heard by the Publick; and that when Truth and Error have fair Play, the former is always an overmatch for the latter: Hence they chearfully serve all contending Writers that pay them well, without regarding on which side they are of the Question in Dispute. 6. Being thus continually employ'd in serving all Parties, Printers naturally acquire a vast Unconcernedness as to the right or wrong Opinions contain'd in what they print; regarding it only as the Matter of their daily labour: They print things full of Spleen and Animosity, with the utmost Calmness and Indifference, and without the least Ill-will to the Persons reflected on; who nevertheless unjustly think the Printer as much their Enemy as the Author, and join both together in their Resentment. 7. That it is unreasonable to imagine Printers approve of every thing they print, and to censure them on any particular thing accordingly; since in the way of their Business they print such great variety of things opposite and contradictory. It is likewise as unreasonable what some assert, _That Printers ought not to print any Thing but what they approve;_ since if all of that Business should make such a Resolution, and abide by it, an End would thereby be put to Free Writing, and the World would afterwards have nothing to read but what happen'd to be the Opinions of Printers. 8. That if all Printers were determin'd not to print any thing till they were sure it would offend no body, there would be very little printed. 9. That if they sometimes print vicious or silly things not worth reading, it may not be because they approve such things themselves, but because the People are so viciously and corruptly educated that good things are not encouraged. I have known a very numerous Impression of _Robin Hood's Songs_ go off in this Province at 2_s_. per Book, in less than a Twelvemonth; when a small Quantity of _David's Psalms_ (an excellent Version) have lain upon my Hands above twice the Time. 10. That notwithstanding what might be urg'd in behalf of a Man's being allow'd to do in the Way of his Business whatever he is paid for, yet Printers do continually discourage the Printing of great Numbers of bad things, and stifle them in the Birth. I my self have constantly refused to print any thing that might countenance Vice, or promote Immorality; tho' by complying in such Cases with the corrupt Taste of the Majority, I might have got much Money. I have also always refus'd to print such things as might do real Injury to any Person, how much soever I have been solicited, and tempted with Offers of great Pay; and how much soever I have by refusing got the Ill-will of those who would have employ'd me. I have heretofore fallen under the Resentment of large Bodies of Men, for refusing absolutely to print any of their Party or Personal Reflections. In this Manner I have made my self many Enemies, and the constant Fatigue of denying is almost insupportable. But the Publick being unacquainted with all this, whenever the poor Printer happens either through Ignorance or much Persuasion, to do any thing that is generally thought worthy of Blame, he meets with no more Friendship or Favour on the above Account, than if there were no Merit in't at all. Thus, as _Waller_ says, _Poets loose half the Praise they would have got Were it but known what they discreetly blot;_ Yet are censur'd for every bad Line found in their Works with the utmost Severity. I come now to the particular Case of the _N.B._ above-mention'd, about which there has been more Clamour against me, than ever before on any other Account. -- In the Hurry of other Business an Advertisement was brought to me to be printed; it signified that such a Ship lying at such a Wharff, would sail for _Barbadoes_ in such a Time, and that Freighters and Passengers might agree with the Captain at such a Place; so far is what's common: But at the Bottom this odd Thing was added, N.B. _No Sea Hens nor Black Gowns will be admitted on any Terms._ I printed it, and receiv'd my Money; and the Advertisement was stuck up round the Town as usual. I had not so much Curiosity at that time as to enquire the Meaning of it, nor did I in the least imagine it would give so much Offence. Several good Men are very angry with me on this Occasion; they are pleas'd to say I have too much Sense to do such things ignorantly; that if they were Printers they would not have done such a thing on any Consideration; that it could proceed from nothing but my abundant Malice against Religion and the Clergy: They therefore declare they will not take any more of my Papers, nor have any farther Dealings with me; but will hinder me of all the Custom they can. All this is very hard! I believe it had been better if I had refused to print the said Advertisement. However, 'tis done and cannot be revok'd. I have only the following few Particulars to offer, some of them in my Behalf, by way of Mitigation, and some not much to the Purpose; but I desire none of them may be read when the Reader is not in a very good Humour. 1. That I really did it without the least Malice, and imagin'd the _N.B._ was plac'd there only to make the Advertisement star'd at, and more generally read. 2. That I never saw the Word _Sea-Hens_ before in my Life; nor have I yet ask'd the meaning of it; and tho' I had certainly known that _Black Gowns_ in that Place signified the Clergy of the Church of _England_, yet I have that confidence in the generous good Temper of such of them as I know, as to be well satisfied such a trifling mention of their Habit gives them no Disturbance. 3. That most of the Clergy in this and the neighbouring Provinces, are my Customers, and some of them my very good Friends; and I must be very malicious indeed, or very stupid, to print this thing for a small Profit, if I had thought it would have given them just Cause of Offence. 4. That if I have much Malice against the Clergy, and withal much Sense; 'tis strange I never write or talk against the Clergy my self. Some have observed that 'tis a fruitful Topic, and the easiest to be witty upon of all others. I can print any thing I write at less Charge than others; yet I appeal to the Publick that I am never guilty this way, and to all my Acquaintance as to my Conversation. 5. That if a Man of Sense had Malice enough to desire to injure the Clergy, this is the foolishest Thing he could possibly contrive for that Purpose. 6. That I got Five Shillings by it. 7. That none who are angry with me would have given me so much to let it alone. 8. That if all the People of different Opinions in this Province would engage to give me as much for not printing things they don't like, as I can get by printing them, I should probably live a very easy Life; and if all Printers were every where so dealt by, there would be very little printed. 9. That I am oblig'd to all who take my Paper, and am willing to think they do it out of meer Friendship. I only desire they would think the same when I deal with them. I thank those who leave off, that they have taken it so long. But I beg they would not endeavour to dissuade others, for that will look like Malice. 10. That 'tis impossible any Man should know what he would do if he was a Printer. 11. That notwithstanding the Rashness and Inexperience of Youth, which is most likely to be prevail'd with to do things that ought not to be done; yet I have avoided printing such Things as usually give Offence either to Church or State, more than any Printer that has followed the Business in this Province before. 12. And lastly, That I have printed above a Thousand Advertisements which made not the least mention of _Sea-Hens_ or _Black Gowns_; and this being the first Offence, I have the more Reason to expect Forgiveness. I take leave to conclude with an old Fable, which some of my Readers have heard before, and some have not. "A certain well-meaning Man and his Son, were travelling towards a Market Town, with an Ass which they had to sell. The Road was bad; and the old Man therefore rid, but the Son went a-foot. The first Passenger they met, asked the Father if he was not ashamed to ride by himself, and suffer the poor Lad to wade along thro' the Mire; this induced him to take up his Son behind him: He had not travelled far, when he met others, who said, they were two unmerciful Lubbers to get both on the Back of that poor Ass, in such a deep Road. Upon this the old Man gets off, and let his Son ride alone. The next they met called the Lad a graceless, rascally young Jackanapes, to ride in that Manner thro' the Dirt, while his aged Father trudged along on Foot; and they said the old Man was a Fool, for suffering it. He then bid his Son come down, and walk with him, and they travell'd on leading the Ass by the Halter; 'till they met another Company, who called them a Couple of sensless Blockheads, for going both on Foot in such a dirty Way, when they had an empty Ass with them, which they might ride upon. The old Man could bear no longer; My Son, said he, it grieves me much that we cannot please all these People; Let us throw the Ass over the next Bridge, and be no farther troubled with him." Had the old Man been seen acting this last Resolution, he would probably have been call'd a Fool for troubling himself about the different Opinions of all that were pleas'd to find Fault with him: Therefore, tho' I have a Temper almost as complying as his, I intend not to imitate him in this last Particular. I consider the Variety of Humours among Men, and despair of pleasing every Body; yet I shall not therefore leave off Printing. I shall continue my Business. I shall not burn my Press and melt my Letters. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 10, 1731 _"A certain St-n-c-tt-r"_ Friday Night last, a certain St-n-c-tt-r was, it seems, in a fair way of dying the Death of a Nobleman; for being caught Napping with another Man's Wife, the injur'd Husband took the Advantage of his being so fast asleep, and with a Knife began very diligently to cut off his Head. But the Instrument not being equal to the intended Operation, much Struggling prevented Success; and he was oblig'd to content himself for the present with bestowing on the Aggressor a sound Drubbing. The Gap made in the Side of the St-n-c-tt-r's Neck, tho' deep, is not thought dangerous; but some People admire, that when the Person offended had so fair and suitable an Opportunity, it did not enter into his Head to turn St-n-c-tt-r himself. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 17, 1731 _The Molasses Bill_ By way of Boston there is Advice, That a Bill for prohibiting the Importation of Rum, Sugar and Mellasses from the French and Dutch Plantations into the Northern Colonies in America, has pass'd both Houses of Parliament, pursuant to a Petition from the Island of Barbadoes. What Effect this will have, as to raising or falling the Prices of those Commodities and of our Flour, &c. is left to the Judicious to consider. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 17, 1731 _"A certain C-n-table"_ Sure some unauspicious cross-grain'd Planet, in Opposition to _Venus_, presides over the Affairs of Love about this Time. For we hear, that on Tuesday last, a certain C-n-table having made an Agreement with a neighbouring Female, to _Watch_ with her that Night; she promised to leave a Window open for him to come in at; but he going his Rounds in the dark, unluckily mistook the Window, and got into a Room where another Woman was in bed, and her Husband it seems lying on a Couch not far distant. The good Woman perceiving presently by the extraordinary Fondness of her Bedfellow that it could not possibly be her Husband, made so much Disturbance as to wake the good Man; who finding somebody had got into his Place without his Leave, began to lay about him unmercifully; and 'twas thought, that had not our poor mistaken Galant, call'd out manfully for Help (as if he were commanding Assistance in the King's Name) and thereby raised the Family, he would have stood no more Chance for his Life between the Wife and Husband, than a captive L ------ between two Thumb Nails. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 24, 1731 _"George is as good as de best"_ We are credibly inform'd, that the young Woman who not long since petitioned the Governor, and the Assembly to be divorced from her Husband, and at times industriously solicited most of the Magistrates on that Account, has at last concluded to cohabit with him again. It is said the Report of the Physicians (who in Form examined his _Abilities_, and allowed him to be in every respect _sufficient_,) gave her but small Satisfaction; Whether any Experiments _more satisfactory_ have been try'd, we cannot say; but it seems she now declares it as her Opinion, That _George is as good as de best_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 29, 1731 _Fighting Bucks_ We hear from Hopewell in the Jerseys, that on the 4th past, two Bucks were observed fighting near the new Meeting House there; one of them extraordinary large, supposed to be a Roe-buck; the other small and of the common sort. In company with them was a black Doe, who stood by to see the Engagement. The small Buck proved a full match for the great one, giving him many violent Punches in the Ribs, but in the height of the Battle, they fastned their Horns so strongly together, that they were not able with all their Strength to disengage; and in that condition they were taken. The Doe retreated into the Woods, but being pursued with several Beagle Hounds, she was taken also alive, and they have put her and the large Buck into a boarded Pasture together, in hopes to have a Breed, if the Sizes are not too unsuitable. This is the second Brace of Bucks that have been caught by the Horns this Fall. _Had they not better put 'em up quietly in their Pockets?_ _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 7, 1731 _Doctrine to be Preached_ Doct. to be preached That there is one God Father of the Universe. That he is infinitely good, Powerful and wise. That he is omnipresent. That he ought to be worshipped, by Adoration Prayer and Thanksgiving both in publick and private. That he loves such of his Creatures as love and do good to others: and will reward them either in this World or hereafter. That Men's Minds do not die with their Bodies, but are made more happy or miserable after this Life according to their Actions. That Virtuous Men ought to league together to strengthen the Interest of Virtue, in the World: and so strengthen themselves in Virtue. That Knowledge and Learning is to be cultivated, and Ignnorance dissipated. That none but the Virtuous are wise. That Man's Perfection is in Virtue. 1731 _Death of a Lion_ _Boston, Jan._ 3. Last Saturday Night, The LYON, King of Beasts, who had travelled all over North America by Sea and Land, died here in a Tan-yard. Like other Kings, his Death was often reported, long before it happened. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, January 25, 1731/2 _A Burnt-Offering_ We hear from the Jersey side, that a Man near Sahaukan being disordred in his Senses, protested to his Wife that he would kill her immediately, if she did not put her Tongue into his Mouth: She through Fear complying, he bit off a large Piece of it; and taking it between his Fingers threw it into the Fire with these Words, _Let this be for a Burnt-Offering_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 15, 1731/2 _Lost Money_ Lost last Saturday Night, in Market Street, about 40 or 50 s. if the Finder will bring it to the Printer hereof, who will describe the Marks, he shall have 10 s. Reward. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 30, 1732 _On Simplicity_ There is in Humane Nature a certain charming Quality, innate and original to it, which is called SIMPLICITY. In latter Ages, this has been almost universally exploded, and banished from amongst Men, as the Characteristic of Folly; whilst _Cunning_ and _Artifice_ have prevailed in its stead, and with equal Justice been dignified with the Titles of Wisdom and Understanding. But I believe the juster Account of the Matter is, that Simplicity is the homespun Dress of Honesty, and Chicanery and Craft are the Tinsel Habits and the false Elegance which are worn to cover the Deformity of Vice and Knavery. In the first Ages of the World, when Men had no Wants but what were purely natural, before they had refin'd upon their Necessities, and Luxury and Ambition had introduced a Thousand fantastick Forms of Happiness, Simplicity was the Dress and Language of the World, as Nature was its Law. The little Cunning which was then in use, only taught them to ensnare, or to make tame such Animals as were necessary to their Support or their Convenience, and were otherwise too swift or too strong for them; but since these Arts have attain'd their utmost Perfection, Men have practised the same low Stratagems upon one another, and by an infinite Variety of Disguises and well-covered Treacheries, have long since instituted those little Basenesses among the necessary Arts and Knowledges of Life, and practised without Scruple, that which they have long owned without Shame. But if we look into the History of the World, and into the Characters of those who have had the greatest Names in it, we shall find, that this original Simplicity of Mind has gradually been worn off in every Age, down to the present Time, when there is hardly any Characters of it remaining undefaced. The old Greeks and Romans, whose unperishable Writings have preserved to us the Actions and Manners of their Countrymen, and who were so well studied in all the Forms and reasonable Happinesses of Life, are so full of that just and beautiful Stile and Sentiment, as seems to have been the only proper Method of transcribing the frank and open Characters of the Heroes they celebrate, and of making them and their Writers immortal. To prove the natural Charm and Beauty there is in this Simplicity, we need only, at this Day, as false as the World is grown, retire but far enough from great Cities, the Scenes of all worldly Business and Action; and, I believe, the most cunning Man will be obliged to own, the high and sincere Pleasure there is in conversing from the Heart, and without Design. What Relief do we find in the simple and unaffected Dialogues of uncorrupted Peasants, after the tiresome Grimace of the Town! The veriest Double-Dealer in the World is ever hankering after an Opportunity to open his own Heart, tho' perhaps he curseshimself after he has done it. We are all forward enough to protest and complain against the Falshood and Treachery of Mankind, tho' the Remedy be always in our own Power, and each is at Liberty to reform himself. But perhaps we need not be forced always to go into the Country in search of this amiable Complexion of Mind, Simplicity; for I believe it will be found sometimes, that the Men of the truest Genius and highest Characters in the Conduct of the World, (as few of them as rise in any Age) are observed to possess this Quality in the highest Degree. They are Pretenders only, to Policy and Business, who have recourse to Cunning, and the little Chicaneries thereof: for Cunning is but the Ape of Wisdom, as Sheepishness is of Modesty, Impudence of Courage, and Pedantry of Learning. -- Cunning, says my Lord _Bacon_, is a sinister or crooked Wisdom, and Dissimulation but a faint kind of Policy; for it asks a strong Wit and a strong Heart, to know when to tell Truth and to do it; therefore they are the weaker sort of Politicians, that are the greatest Dissemblers. And certainly there is a great Difference between a cunning Man and a wise One, not only in point of Honesty but in point of Ability; as there are those that can pack the Cards, who cannot play the Game well. Cunning is a Vice purely personal, and is with the greatest Difficulty practised in free and mixed Assemblies. A cunning Man is obliged to hunt his Game alone, and to live in the dark; he is uncapable of Counsel and Advice, for his dishonest Purpose dies upon Discovery. A vertuous and an honourable Action only, will bear a Conference and Freedom of Debate. And this is the Part of true Wisdom, to be busy and assistant in a fair and worthy Design. None but Fools are Knaves, for wise Men cannot help being honest. Cunning therefore is the Wisdom of a Fool; one who has Designs that he dare not own. To draw these loose Thoughts towards an End. If Cunning were any real Excellence in Human Nature, how comes it that the greatest and ablest, the most amiable and worthy of Mankind, are often entirely without it, and vastly above it; while Numbers of the weaker Part are observed to be very expert therein; sordid and ignorant Servants, and dishonest idle Vagabonds, often attain to the highest Perfection in it. Simplicity we are sure is natural, and the highest Beauty of Nature; and all that is excellent in Arts which Men have invented, is either to demonstrate this native Simplicity and Truth in Nature, or to teach us to transcribe and copy in every Thing from it. Simplicity of Speech and Manners is the highest Happiness as well as the greatest Ornament of Life; whereas nothing is so tiresome to one's self, as well as so odious to others, as Disguise and Affectation. Who was ever cunning enough to conceal his being so? No Mask ever hid it self. In a Word, those cunning Men, tho' they are not declared Enemies to the World, yet they are really Spies upon it, and ought in the Justice of Things to be considered and treated as such, whenever they are caught. And to what purpose is all this Craft? To make themselves suspected and avoided by the World in return, and to have never a Friend in it. A Knave cannot have a Friend, any more than he can be one: An honest Man must discover him, a Rascal will betray him. And by this Time I hope my Reader and I are agreed, that Wisdom and Vertue are the same Thing, as Knavery and Cunning are generally so too; and that for the future, we shall resolve to be what we would seem, which is the only sure way not to be afraid to seem what we really are. Perhaps it is not necessary to add here, that by Simplicity is not at all meant the Pretences to it, which are made now a-days, by many good People, who I believe very honestly mistake the Thing, and while they aim at Simplicity are guilty of very gross Affectation. The Plainness and Integrity of Mind, which is here recommended, is very little concerned in any Quaintness of Habit, or Oddness of Behaviour: Nor is it at all of Importance to Vertue and Simplicity, that great care is taken to appear unfashionable. Again, on the other side, I know very well that the Word _Cunning_ did in the ancient Sense of it imply Knowledge. The Word Ken may perhaps be akin to it; it is of Saxon Original, and we are told the Word King is derived from it. I have no Quarrel to this Construction of it; but only against (what it now comes to signify) the little Subtilty of base Minds, who are incapable of great and honest Actions; in which Sense the Word is now commonly used. After all, I am sensible this crooked Wisdom has established itself by the Force of an unhappy Fashion, too firmly to be immediately exploded; and though I could wish my Reader would be ashamed to live in the World by such a wretched Method, yet I would warn him to be well aware of those that do; and to be sure to arm against them, not with the same Weapons, but those which are of much better Proof, the Integrity of a wise Man, and the Wisdom of an honest one. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 13, 1732 _"To melt the Pewter Button"_ From New-York, we hear, that on Saturday se'nnight, in the Afternoon, they had there most terrible Thunder and Lightning, but no great Damage done. The same Day we had some very hard Claps in these Parts; and 'tis said, that in Bucks County, one Flash came so near a Lad, as, without hurting him, to melt the Pewter Button off the Wasteband of his Breeches. 'Tis well nothing else thereabouts, was made of Pewter. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 19, 1732 _Anthony Afterwit_ Mr. _Gazetteer_, I am an honest Tradesman, who never meant Harm to any Body. My Affairs went on smoothly while a Batchelor; but of late I have met with some Difficulties, of which I take the Freedom to give you an Account. About the Time I first address'd my present Spouse, her Father gave out in Speeches, that if she married a Man he liked, he would give with her 200 _l_. on the Day of Marriage. 'Tis true he never said so to me, but he always receiv'd me very kindly at his House, and openly countenanc'd my Courtship. I form'd several fine Schemes, what to do with this same 200 _l_. and in some Measure neglected my Business on that Account: But unluckily it came to pass, that when the old Gentleman saw I was pretty well engag'd, and that the Match was too far gone to be easily broke off; he, without any Reason given, grew very angry, forbid me the House, and told his Daughter that if she married me he would not give her a Farthing. However (as he foresaw) we were not to be disappointed in that Manner; but having stole a Wedding, I took her home to my House; where we were not in quite so poor a Condition as the Couple describ'd in the Scotch Song, who had _Neither Pot nor Pan, But four bare Legs together;_ for I had a House tolerably furnished, for an ordinary Man, before. No thanks to Dad, who I understand was very much pleased with his politick Management. And I have since learn'd that there are old Curmudgeons (_so called_) besides him, who have this Trick, to marry their Daughters, and yet keep what they might well spare, till they can keep it no longer: But this by way of Digression; _A Word to the Wise is enough_. I soon saw that with Care and Industry we might live tolerably easy, and in Credit with our Neighbours: But my Wife had a strong Inclination to be a _Gentlewoman_. In Consequence of this, my old-fashioned Looking-Glass was one Day broke, as she said, _No Mortal could tell which way_. However, since we could not be without a Glass in the Room, _My Dear_, says she, _we may as well buy a large fashionable One that Mr_. Such-a-one _has to sell; it will cost but little more than a common Glass, and will be much handsomer and more creditable_. Accordingly the Glass was bought, and hung against the Wall: But in a Week's time, I was made sensible by little and little, _that the Table was by no Means sutable to such a Glass_. And a more proper Table being procur'd, my Spouse, who was an excellent Contriver, inform'd me where we might have very handsome Chairs _in the Way_; And thus, by Degrees, I found all my old Furniture stow'd up into the Garret, and every thing below alter'd for the better. Had we stopp'd here, we might have done well enough; but my Wife being entertain'd with _Tea_ by the Good Women she visited, we could do no less than the like when they visited us; and so we got a _Tea-Table_ with all its Appurtenances of _China_ and _Silver_. Then my Spouse unfortunately overwork'd herself in washing the House, so that we could do no longer without a _Maid_. Besides this, it happened frequently, that when I came home at _One_, the Dinner was but just put in the Pot; for, _My Dear thought really it had been but Eleven:_ At other Times when I came at the same Hour, _She wondered I would stay so long, for Dinner was ready and had waited for me these two Hours._ These Irregularities, occasioned by mistaking the Time, convinced me, that it was absolutely necessary _to buy a Clock_; which my Spouse observ'd, _was a great Ornament to the Room!_ And lastly, to my Grief, she was frequently troubled with some Ailment or other, and nothing did her so much Good as _Riding_; And _these Hackney Horses were such wretched ugly Creatures, that_ -- I bought a very fine pacing Mare, which cost 20 _l_. And hereabouts Affairs have stood for some Months past. I could see all along, that this Way of Living was utterly inconsistent with my Circumstances, but had not Resolution enough to help it. Till lately, receiving a very severe Dun, which mention'd the next Court, I began in earnest to project Relief. Last Monday my Dear went over the River, to see a Relation, and stay a Fortnight, because _she could not bear the Heat of the Town._ In the Interim, I have taken my Turn to make Alterations, _viz_. I have turn'd away the Maid, Bag and Baggage (for what should we do with a Maid, who have (except my Boy) none but our selves.) I have sold the fine Pacing Mare, and bought a good Milch Cow, with 3 _l_. of the Money. I have dispos'd of the Tea-Table, and put a Spinning Wheel in its Place, which methinks _looks very pretty_: Nine empty Canisters I have stuff'd with Flax; and with some of the Money of the Tea-Furniture, I have bought a Set of Knitting-Needles; for to tell you a Truth, which I would have go no farther, _I begin to want Stockings_. The stately Clock I have transform'd into an Hour-Glass, by which I gain'd a good round Sum; and one of the Pieces of the old Looking-Glass, squar'd and fram'd, supplies the Place of the Great One, which I have convey'd into a Closet, where it may possibly remain some years. In short, the Face of Things is quite changed; and I am mightily pleased when I look at my Hour-Glass, _what an Ornament it is to the Room_. I have paid my Debts, and find Money in my Pocket. I expect my Dame home next Friday, and as your Paper is taken in at the House where she is, I hope the Reading of this will prepare her Mind for the above surprizing Revolutions. If she can conform to this new Scheme of Living, we shall be the happiest Couple perhaps in the Province, and, by the Blessing of God, may soon be in thriving Circumstances. I have reserv'd the great Glass, because I know her Heart is set upon it. I will allow her when she comes in, to be taken suddenly ill with the _Headach_, the _Stomach-ach_, _Fainting-Fits_, or whatever other Disorder she may think more proper; and she may retire to Bed as soon as she pleases: But if I do not find her in perfect Health both of Body and Mind the next Morning, away goes the aforesaid Great Glass, with several other Trinkets I have no Occasion for, to the Vendue that very Day. Which is the irrevocable Resolution of, Sir, Her loving Husband, _and_ Your very humble Servant, _ANTHONY AFTERWIT_. _Postscript,_ You know we can return to our former Way of Living, when we please, if _Dad_ will be at the Expence of it. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 10, 1732 _Celia Single_ _My Correspondent Mrs._ Celia, _must excuse my omitting those Circumstances of her Letter, which point at People_ too plainly; _and content herself that I insert the rest as follows._ Mr. _Gazetteer_, I must needs tell you, that some of the Things you print do more Harm than Good; particularly I think so of my Neighbour the Tradesman's Letter in one of your late Papers, which has broken the Peace of several Families, by causing Difference between Men and their Wives: I shall give you here one Instance, of which I was an Eye and Ear Witness. Happening last _Wednesday_ Morning to be in at Mrs. _C ------ ss_'s, when her Husband return'd from Market, among other Things which he had bought, he show'd her some Balls of Thread. _My Dear,_ says he, _I like mightily those Stockings which I yesterday saw Neighbour_ Afterwit _knitting for her Husband, of Thread of her own Spinning: I should be glad to have some such Stockins my self: I understand that your Maid_ Mary _is a very good Knitter, and seeing this Thread in Market, I have bought it, that the Girl may make a Pair or two for me._ Mrs. _Careless_ was just then at the Glass, dressing her Head; and turning about with the Pins in her Mouth, _Lord, Child_, says she, _are you crazy? What Time has_ Mary _to knit? Who must do the Work, I wonder, if you set her to Knitting?_ Perhaps, my Dear, _says he_, you have a mind to knit 'em yourself; I remember, when I courted you, I once heard you say you had learn'd to knit of your Mother. _I knit Stockins for you,_ says she, _not I truly; There are poor Women enough in Town, that can knit; if you please you may employ them._ Well, but my Dear, _says he_, you know a penny sav'd is a penny got, a pin a day is a groat a year, every little makes a mickle, and there is neither Sin nor Shame in Knitting a pair of Stockins; why should you express such a mighty Aversion to it? As to _poor_ Women, you know we are not People of Quality, we have no Income to maintain us, but what arises from my Labour and Industry; methinks you should not be at all displeas'd, if you have an Opportunity to get something as well as my self. _I wonder,_ says she, _how you can propose such a thing to me; did not you always tell me you would maintain me like a Gentlewoman? If I had married_ Capt. ------ , _he would have scorn'd even to mention Knitting of Stockins._ Prithee, _says he_, _(a little nettled)_ what do you tell me of your Captains? If you could have had him, I suppose you would; or perhaps you did not very well like him: If I did promise to maintain you like a Gentlewoman, I suppose 'tis time enough for that when you know how to behave like one; mean while 'tis your Duty to help make me able. How long d'ye think I can maintain you at your present Rate of Living? _Pray_, says she, (somewhat fiercely, and dashing the Puff into the Powder-Box) _don't use me after this Manner, for I assure you I won't bear it. This is the Fruit of your poison_ News-papers; _there shall come no more here, I promise you._ Bless us, _says he_, what an unaccountable thing is this! Must a Tradesman's Daughter, and the Wife of a Tradesman, necessarily and instantly be a Gentlewoman? You had no Portion; I am forc'd to work for a Living; if you are too great to do the like, there's the Door, go and live upon your Estate, if you can find it; in short, I don't desire to be troubled w'ye. -- What Answer she made, I cannot tell; for knowing that a Man and his Wife are apt to quarrel more violently when before Strangers, than when by themselves, I got up and went out hastily: But I understood from _Mary_, who came to me of an Errand in the Evening, that they dined together pretty peaceably, (the Balls of Thread that had caused the Difference, being thrown into the Kitchen Fire) of which I was very glad to hear. I have several times in your Paper seen severe Reflections upon us Women, for Idleness and Extravagance, but I do not remember to have once seen any such Animadversions upon the Men. If I were dispos'd to be censorious, I could furnish you with Instances enough: I might mention Mr. _Billiard_, who spends more than he earns, at the Green Table; and would have been in Jail long since, were it not for his industrious Wife: Mr. _Husselcap_, who often all day long leaves his Business for the rattling of Halfpence in a certain Alley: Mr. _Finikin_, who has seven different Suits of fine Cloaths, and wears a Change every Day, while his Wife and Children sit at home half naked: Mr. _Crownhim_, who is always dreaming over the Chequer-board, and cares not how the World goes, so he gets the Game: Mr. _T'otherpot_ the Tavern-haunter; Mr. _Bookish_, the everlasting Reader; Mr. _Tweedledum_, Mr. _Toot-a-toot_, and several others, who are mighty diligent at any thing beside their Business. I say, if I were dispos'd to be censorious, I might mention all these, and more; but I hate to be thought a Scandalizer of my Neighbours, and therefore forbear. And for your part, I would advise you, for the future, to entertain your Readers with something else besides People's Reflections upon one another; for remember, that there are Holes enough to be pick'd in your Coat as well as others; and those that are affronted by the Satyrs you may publish, will not consider so much who _wrote_, as who _printed_: Take not this Freedom amiss, from _Your Friend and Reader_, CELIA SINGLE. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 24, 1732 _Praise for William Penn_ _Philadelphia, August_ 12. Yesterday Afternoon, our Governor having received by Express the agreeable News of the Arrival of the Honourable _THOMAS PENN_, Esq; our Proprietary, at _Chester_, immediately dispatch'd his Secretary thither with his Compliments of Congratulation; and next Morning, attended by the Council, and many other Gentlemen, His Honour our Governor set out for _Chester_, where great Numbers of People from the neighbouring Parts of the Country were flocking together. After Dinner, our Honourable Proprietor, with his Company which was now grown very numerous, set out for _Philadelphia_, and passing the Ferry at _Skuylkill_, was met by the Mayor, Recorder and Aldermen of this City, in whose Name _Andrew Hamilton_, Esq; the Recorder, made the following congratulatory Speech. May it please our Honourable Proprietor, _The Mayor and Commonalty of the city of_ Philadelphia, _do most joyfully congratulate You, on your safe Arrival into your Province of_ Pennsylvania. _You are now entring into the Liberties of the City of_ Philadelphia, _the Capital of your Province, where You have been long and impatiently expected: Be pleased, Sir, to accept from this Corporation, the Acknowledgements due to a Son of its Honourable Founder._ _That generous Charter which he gave this City, those wise and just Laws which he gave to the People of_ Pennsylvania, _and above all his religious Care in securing to all its Inhabitants that natural Right_ Liberty of Conscience, _and Freedom from_ Spiritual Tyranny, _will ever continue a Testimony of his great Wisdom and Goodness, in framing a Constitution every way fitted to make a happy People, and be a lasting Monument of his Benevolence to Mankind._ _But he is gone!_ -- _and to whom can we so properly own these Obligations, as to the Descendants of that good Man, under whom, next to our gracious Sovereign, the Inhabitants of_ Philadelphia _derive and enjoy so many valuable Privileges._ _We are indeed strongly prejudiced in favour of a_ Son _of the great Mr. PENN; We know you have the same Powers of Government, and if You shall imitate his excellent Example, in using them for the Good of the People, as that made his Memory dear to all who lived under his Influence, so this will give you a peculiar Claim to Our Duty and Affections, and lay the Citizens of_ Philadelphia _under the strongest Obligations of doing you the most acceptable Services in their Power._ To which our Honourable Proprietor gave the following Answer. "I am oblig'd to the City of _Philadelphia_, for this Mark of their Affection to me, and Regard for the Memory of my Father; and shall be pleased with every Opportunity of doing your Corporation any agreeable Service." The _Proprietor_ then proceeding forwards, was welcomed to this City with the Discharge of many Guns from the Ships in our River, and the joyful Acclamations of a Multitude of People, who lined all the Streets through which the Cavalcade (consisting of between Seven and Eight Hundred Horse) passed; and alighting at our Governour's House, was saluted with the Discharge of a large Battery of Cannon on _Society_ _Hill._ The universal Joy and Satisfaction which appeared on this Occasion, seems a just Tribute to a worthy Son of the Great and Good Mr. _PENN_, whose Memory must ever remain dear to all those who set a just Value on the ample Privileges and Liberties granted by him, and at this Time fully enjoyed by all the Inhabitants of this flourishing Colony. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 14, 1732 _On Censure or Backbiting_ _Impia sub dulci melle venena latent_. Ovid. _Naturam expellas furca licet, usq; recurret_. Hor. There is scarce any one Thing so generally spoke against, and at the same time so universally practis'd, as _Censure_ or _Backbiting_. All Divines have condemn'd it, all Religions have forbid it, all Writers of Morality have endeavour'd to discountenance it, and all Men hate it at all Times, except only when they have Occasion to make use of it. For my part, after having frankly declar'd it as my Opinion, that the general Condemnation it meets with, proceeds only from a Consciousness in most People that they have highly incurr'd and deserv'd it, I shall in a very fearless impudent Manner take upon me to oppose the universal Vogue of Mankind in all Ages, and say as much in Behalf and Vindication of this decry'd Virtue, as the usual Vacancy in your Paper will admit. I have call'd it a Virtue, and shall take the same Method to prove it such, as we commonly use to demonstrate any other Action or Habit to be a Virtue, that is, by shewing its Usefulness, and the great Good it does to Society. What can be said to the contrary, has already been said by every body; and indeed it is so little to the purpose, that any body may easily say it: But the Path I mean to tread, has hitherto been trod by no body; if therefore I should meet with the Difficulties usual in tracing new Roads, and be in some Places a little at loss, the Candour of the Reader will the more readily excuse me. The first Advantage I shall mention, arising from the free Practice of _Censure_ or _Backbiting_, is, that it is frequently the Means of preventing powerful, politick, ill-designing Men, from growing too popular for the Safety of a State. Such Men are always setting their best Actions to view, in order to obtain Confidence and Trust, and establish a Party: They endeavour to shine with false or borrow'd Merit, and carefully conceal their real Demerit: (that they fear to be evil spoken of is evident from their striving to cover every Ill with a specious Pretence;) But all-examining CENSURE, with her hundred Eyes and her thousand Tongues, soon discovers and as speedily divulges in all Quarters, every the least Crime or Foible that is a part of their true Character. This clips the Wings of their Ambition, weakens their Cause and Party, and reduces them to the necessity of dropping their pernicious Designs, springing from a violent Thirst of Honour and Power; or, if that Thirst is unquenchable, they are oblig'd to enter into a Course of true Virtue, without which real Grandeur is not to be attained. Again, the common Practice of _Censure_ is a mighty Restraint upon the Actions of every private Man; it greatly assists our otherwise weak Resolutions of living virtuously. _What will the World say of me, if I act thus?_ is often a Reflection strong enough to enable us to resist the most powerful Temptation to Vice or Folly. This preserves the Integrity of the Wavering, the Honesty of the Covetous, the Sanctity of some of the Religious, and the Chastity of all Virgins. And, indeed, when People once become regardless of _Censure_, they are arrived to a Pitch of Impudence little inferior to the Contempt of all Laws humane and divine. The common Practice of _Censure_ is also exceedingly serviceable, in helping a Man to _the Knowledge of himself_; a piece of Knowledge highly necessary for all, but acquired by very few, because very few sufficiently regard and value the Censure past by others on their Actions. There is hardly such a Thing as a Friend, sincere or rash enough to acquaint us freely with our Faults; nor will any but an Enemy tell us of what we have done amiss, _to our Faces_; and Enemies meet with little Credit in such Cases, for we believe they speak from Malice and Ill-will: Thus we might always live in the blindest Ignorance of our own Folly, and, while every body reproach'd us in their Hearts, might think our Conduct irreproachable: But Thanks be to Providence, (that has given every Man a natural Inclination to backbite his Neighbour) we now hear of many Things said _of_ us, that we shall never hear said _to_ us; (for out of Goodwill to us, or Illwill to those that have spoken ill of us, every one is willing enough to tell us how we are censur'd by others,) and we have the Advantage of mending our Manners accordingly. Another vast Benefit arising from the common Practice of _Backbiting_, is, that it helps exceedingly to a thorough _Knowledge of Mankind_, a Science the most useful of all Sciences. Could we come to know no Man of whom we had not a particular Experience, our Sphere of Knowledge of this Sort would certainly be narrow and confined, and yet at the same Time must probably have cost us very dear. For the crafty tricking Villain would have a vast Advantage over the honest undesigning Part of Men, when he might cheat and abuse almost every one he dealt with, if none would take the Liberty to characterize him among their Acquaintance behind his Back. Without saying any more in its Behalf, I am able to challenge all the Orators or Writers in the World, to show (with solid Reason) that the few trifling Inconveniencies attending it, bear any Proportion to these vast Benefits! And I will venture to assert to their Noses, that nothing would be more absurd or pernicious than a Law against Backbiting, if such a Law could possibly take Effect; since it would undoubtedly be the greatest Encouragement to Vice that ever Vice met with, and do more towards the encreasing it, than would the Abolishing of all other Laws whatsoever. I might likewise have mentioned the Usefulness of _Censure_ in Society, as it is a certain and an equal Punishment for such Follies and Vices as the common Laws either do not sufficiently punish, or have provided no Punishment for. I might have observed, that were it not for this, we should find the Number of some Sorts of Criminals increased to a Degree sufficient not only to infest, but even to overthrow all good and civil Conversation: But it is endless to enumerate every particular Advantage arising from this glorious Virtue! A Virtue, which whoever exerts, must have the largest Share of Publick Spirit and Self-denial, the highest Benevolence and Regard to the Good of others; since in This he entirely sacrifices his own Interest, making not only the Persons he accuses, but all that hear him, his Enemies; for all that deserve Censure (which are by far the greatest Number) hate the Censorious; _That dangerous Weapon, Wit, Frightens a Million when a few you hit: Whip but a Cur as you ride thro' a Town, And strait his Fellow Curs the Quarrel own: Each Knave or Fool that's conscious of a Crime, Tho' he scapes now, looks for't another time._ A Virtue! decry'd by all that fear it, but a strong Presumption of the Innocence of them that practise it; for they cannot be encouraged to offend, from the least Prospect of Favour or Impunity; their Faults or Failings will certainly meet with no Quarter from others. And whoever practises the Contrary, always endeavouring to excuse and palliate the Crimes of others, may rationally be suspected to have some secret darling Vice, which he hopes will be excused him in return. A Virtue! which however ill People may load it with the opprobrious Names of _Calumny_, _Scandal_, and _Detraction_, and I know not what; will still remain a Virtue, a bright, shining, solid Virtue, of more real Use to Mankind than all the other Virtues put together; and indeed, is the Mother or the Protectress of them all, as well as the Enemy, the Destructress of all kinds of Vice. A Virtue, innately, necessarily, and essentially so; for ------ But, dear Reader, large Folio Volumes closely written, would scarce be sufficient to contain all the Praises due to it. I shall offer you at present only one more convincing Argument in its Behalf, _viz_. that you would not have had the Satisfaction of seeing this Discourse so agreeably short as I shall make it, were it not for the just Fear I have of incurring your _Censure_, should I continue to be troublesome by extending it to a greater Length. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, September 7, 1732 _Alice Addertongue_ _Mr. Gazetteer,_ I was highly pleased with your last Week's Paper upon SCANDAL, as the uncommon Doctrine therein preach'd is agreeable both to my Principles and Practice, and as it was published very seasonably to reprove the Impertinence of a Writer in the foregoing Thursdays _Mercury_, who at the Conclusion of one of his silly Paragraphs, laments, forsooth, that the _Fair Sex_ are so peculiarly guilty of this enormous Crime: Every Blockhead ancient and modern, that could handle a Pen, has I think taken upon him to cant in the same senseless Strain. If to _scandalize_ be really a _Crime_, what do these Puppies mean? They describe it, they dress it up in the most odious frightful and detestable Colours, they represent it as the worst of Crimes, and then roundly and charitably charge the whole Race of Womankind with it. Are they not then guilty of what they condemn, at the same time that they condemn it? If they accuse us of any other Crime, they must necessarily _scandalize_ while they do it: But to _scandalize_ us with being guilty of _Scandal_, is in itself an egregious Absurdity, and can proceed from nothing but the most consummate Impudence in Conjunction with the most profound Stupidity. This, supposing, as they do, that to scandalize is a Crime; which you have convinc'd all reasonable People, is an Opinion absolutely erroneous. Let us leave then these Ideot Mock-Moralists, while I entertain you with some Account of my Life and Manners. I am a young Girl of about thirty-five, and live at present with my Mother. I have no Care upon my Head of getting a Living, and therefore find it my Duty as well as Inclination, to exercise my Talent at _CENSURE_, for the Good of my Country folks. There was, I am told, a certain generous Emperor, who if a Day had passed over his Head, in which he had conferred no Benefit on any Man, used to say to his Friends, in Latin, _Diem perdidi_, that is, it seems, _I have lost a Day_. I believe I should make use of the same Expression, if it were possible for a Day to pass in which I had not, or miss'd, an Opportunity to scandalize somebody: But, Thanks be praised, no such Misfortune has befel me these dozen Years. Yet, whatever Good I may do, I cannot pretend that I first entred into the Practice of this Virtue from a Principle of Publick Spirit; for I remember that when a Child, I had a violent Inclination to be ever talking in my own Praise, and being continually told that it was ill Manners, and once severely whipt for it, the confin'd Stream form'd itself a new Channel, and I began to speak for the future in the Dispraise of others. This I found more agreable to Company, and almost as much so to my self: For what great Difference can there be, between putting your self up, or putting your Neighbour down? _Scandal_, like other Virtues, is in part its own Reward, as it gives us the Satisfaction of making our selves appear better than others, or others no better than ourselves. My Mother, good Woman, and I, have heretofore differ'd upon this Account. She argu'd that Scandal spoilt all good Conversation, and I insisted that without it there could be no such Thing. Our Disputes once rose so high, that we parted Tea-Table, and I concluded to entertain my Acquaintance in the Kitchin. The first Day of this Separation we both drank Tea at the same Time, but she with her Visitors in the Parlor. She would not hear of the least Objection to any one's Character, but began a new sort of Discourse in some such queer philosophical Manner as this; _I am mightily pleas'd sometimes,_ says she, _when I observe and consider that the World is not so bad as People out of humour imagine it to be. There is something amiable, some good Quality or other in every body. If we were only to speak of People that are least respected, there is_ such a one _is very dutiful to her Father, and methinks has a fine Set of Teeth;_ such a one _is very respectful to her Husband;_ such a one _is very kind to her poor Neighbours, and besides has a very handsome Shape;_ such a one _is always ready to serve a Friend, and in my Opinion there is not a Woman in Town that has a more agreeable Air and Gait._ This fine kind of Talk, which lasted near half an Hour, she concluded by saying, _I do not doubt but every one of you have made the like Observations, and I should be glad to have the Conversation continu'd upon this Subject._ Just at that Juncture I peep'd in at the Door, and never in my Life before saw such a Set of simple vacant Countenances; they looked somehow neither glad, nor sorry, nor angry, nor pleas'd, nor indifferent, nor attentive; but, (excuse the Simile) like so many blue wooden Images of Rie Doe. I in the Kitchin had already begun a ridiculous Story of Mr. ------ 's Intrigue with his Maid, and his Wife's Behaviour upon the Discovery; at some Passages we laugh'd heartily, and one of the gravest of Mama's Company, without making any Answer to her Discourse, got up _to go and see what the Girls were so merry about:_ She was follow'd by a Second, and shortly after by a Third, till at last the old Gentlewoman found herself quite alone, and being convinc'd that her Project was impracticable, came her self and finish'd her Tea with us; ever since which _Saul also has been among the Prophets_, and our Disputes lie dormant. By Industry and Application, I have made my self the Center of all the _Scandal_ in the Province, there is little stirring but I hear of it. I began the World with this Maxim, _That no Trade can subsist without Returns_; and accordingly, whenever I receiv'd a good Story, I endeavour'd to give two or a better in the Room of it. My Punctuality in this Way of Dealing gave such Encouragement, that it has procur'd me an incredible deal of Business, which without Diligence and good Method it would be impossible for me to go through. For besides the Stock of Defamation thus naturally flowing in upon me, I practice an Art by which I can pump Scandal out of People that are the least enclin'd that way. Shall I discover my Secret? Yes; to let it die with me would be inhuman. -- If I have never heard Ill of some Person, I always impute it to defective Intelligence; _for there are none without their Faults, no not one._ If she is a Woman, I take the first Opportunity to let all her Acquaintance know I have heard that one of the handsomest or best Men in Town has said something in Praise either of her Beauty, her Wit, her Virtue, or her good Management. If you know any thing of Humane Nature, you perceive that this naturally introduces a Conversation turning upon all her Failings, past, present, and to come. To the same purpose, and with the same Success, I cause every Man of Reputation to be praised before his Competitors in Love, Business, or Esteem on Account of any particular Qualification. Near the Times of _Election_, if I find it necessary, I commend every Candidate before some of the opposite Party, listning attentively to what is said of him in answer: (But Commendations in this latter Case are not always necessary, and should be used judiciously;) of late Years I needed only observe what they said of one another freely; and having for the Help of Memory taken Account of all Information & Accusations received, whoever peruses my Writings after my Death, may happen to think, that during a certain Term, the People of _Pennsylvania_ chose into all their Offices of Honour and Trust, the veriest Knaves, Fools and Rascals in the whole Province. The Time of Election used to be a busy Time with me, but this Year, with Concern I speak it, People are grown so good natur'd, so intent upon mutual Feasting and friendly Entertainment, that I see no Prospect of much Employment from that Quarter. I mention'd above, that without good Method I could not go thro' my Business: In my Father's Life-time I had some Instruction in Accompts, which I now apply with Advantage to my own Affairs. I keep a regular Set of Books, and can tell at an Hour's Warning how it stands between me and the World. In my _Daybook_ I enter every Article of Defamation as it is transacted; for Scandals _receiv'd in_, I give Credit; and when I pay them out again, I make the Persons to whom they respectively relate _Debtor_. In my _Journal_, I add to each Story by Way of Improvement, such probable Circumstances as I think it will bear, and in my _Ledger_ the whole is regularly posted. I suppose the Reader already condemns me in his Heart, for this particular of _adding Circumstances_; but I justify that part of my Practice thus. 'Tis a Principle with me, that none ought to have a greater Share of Reputation than they really deserve; if they have, 'tis an Imposition upon the Publick: I know it is every one's Interest, and therefore believe they endeavour, to conceal _all_ their Vices and Follies; and I hold, that those People are _extraordinary_ foolish or careless who suffer a _Fourth_ of their Failings to come to publick Knowledge: Taking then the common Prudence and Imprudence of Mankind in a Lump, I suppose none suffer above _one Fifth_ to be discovered: Therefore when I hear of any Person's Misdoing, I think I keep within Bounds if in relating it I only make it _three times_ worse than it is; and I reserve to my self the Privilege of charging them with one Fault in four, which, for aught I know, they may be entirely innocent of. You see there are but few so careful of doing Justice as my self; what Reason then have Mankind to complain of _Scandal_? In a general way, the worst that is said of us is only half what _might_ be said, if all our Faults were seen. But alas, two great Evils have lately befaln me at the same time; an extream Cold that I can scarce speak, and a most terrible Toothach that I dare hardly open my Mouth: For some Days past I have receiv'd ten Stories for one I have paid; and I am not able to ballance my Accounts without your Assistance. I have long thought that if you would make your Paper a Vehicle of Scandal, you would double the Number of your Subscribers. I send you herewith Account of 4 _Knavish Tricks_, 2 _crackt M--n--ds_, 5 _Cu--ld--ms_, 3 _drub'd Wives_, and 4 _Henpeck'd Husbands_, all within this Fortnight; which you may, as Articles of News, deliver to the Publick; and if my Toothach continues, shall send you more; being, in the mean time, _Your constant Reader,_ ALICE ADDERTONGUE. _I thank my Correspondent Mrs._ Addetiongue _for her Good-Will; but desire to be excus'd inserting the Articles of News she has sent me; such Things being in Reality_ no News at all. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, September 12, 1732 _Men are Naturally Benevolent as Well as Selfish_ _To the Printer of the_ GAZETTE. _SIR,_ It is the Opinion of some People, that Man is a Creature altogether selfish, and that all our Actions have at Bottom a View to private Interest; If we do good to others, it is, say they, because there is a certain Pleasure attending virtuous Actions. But how Pleasure comes to attend a virtuous Action, these Philosophers are puzzled to shew, without contradicting their first Principles, and acknowledging that Men are _naturally_ benevolent as well as selfish. For whence can arise the Pleasure you feel after having done a good-natured Thing, if not hence, that you had _before_ strong humane and kind Inclinations in your Nature, which are by such Actions in some Measure gratified? I am told that a late ingenious Author, enquiring why we approve and disapprove of Actions done many Ages since, which can no way be suppos'd to affect our present Interest, conceives that we have a certain internal _Moral Sense_, which tastes the Beauty of a rational benevolent Action, and the Deformity of an ill-natured cruel one; and that our consequent Judgment is as involuntary as when the Tongue is apply'd to Aloes, and we can by no Act of the Will prevail with the Mind to acknowledge it tastes like Honey. However this be, the Fact is certain, that we do approve and disapprove of Actions which cannot in the least influence our present Affairs. How could this happen, if we did not in contemplating such Actions, find something agreeable or disagreeable to our natural Inclinations as Men, that is, to our benevolent Inclinations? Let this serve as an Introduction to a short Story, which I have translated from the French, for the Pleasure of your Readers, who will therein find wherewith to exercise their _moral Sense_ of Tasting, if such a Sense they have. The Writer delivers it as a known Affair, transacted but a few Years since. It is as follows. `A certain French Merchant, remarkable for his Honesty and Uprightness, which had procured him the Confidence of the greatest Traders in _Europe_, having suffered very considerable Losses at Sea, followed by the Bankrupcy of several who were deeply in his Debt, fell at length into so great Necessity, that he resolved to visit _Paris_ in quest of Succours. He addressed himself to all his old Correspondents, acquainted them with his Misfortunes, and prayed them to help him in beginning the World again; assuring those to whom he owed any thing, that he had no greater Desire than to pay them, and that he should die contented if he might be so happy as to accomplish it. All equally affected with his Condition, promised to assist him. `One only inexorable, to whom he owed 1000 Crowns, took him precisely in these Circumstances, and threw him into Prison, absolutely resolved there to let him rot, rather than risque longer what was his due. `The Son of this Merchant, aged about two and twenty Years, informed of the sorrowful Situation of his Father, arrives at _Paris_, goes and throws himself at the Feet of the pitiless Creditor, and there dissolving in Tears, intreats him by every Thing that is most touching, to restore him his Father; protesting solemnly, that if he would not thus make himself an Obstacle to their Hopes of being re-establish'd in their Affairs, he should certainly be the first payed. `But if this fail'd to move, he conjures him to have Pity of his Youth, and to be sensible to the Unhappiness of a Mother, charg'd with seven or eight young Children, who are reduc'd to Beggary, and perish: And in fine, if nothing was capable to touch him, at least that he would permit him to put himself in his Father's Place, who by his greater Skill in Business would probably sooner come to give him entire Satisfaction. In uttering these last Words, he so tenderly press'd his Knees in hope the Request would be granted, that this Man, so hard and inflexible, struck with the Sight of so much Virtue at his Feet, raised the young Man and embrac'd him in his Turn, with Eyes all bathed in Tears: Ah! my Son, said he, your Father shall come out. So much Love, and so much Respect for him, makes me even die with Shame. I have resisted too long; let me efface forever the Remembrance of it. I have one only Daughter, and she is worthy of you. She would do as much for me as you for your Father. I give her to you with all my Wealth, accept her; and let us run to your Father, and demand his Consent. `This tender Scene finished through all that the purest Generosity might inspire on such Occasions, they ran to renew it at the Dungeon of the poor Prisoner. But what was his Joy and his Surprize! He saw his Son, of whose Arrival at _Paris_ he had not known; and in the same Moment he saw him at the Top of Fortune and Happiness. The Day of Marriage was fixed, all the Creditors were payed by the Father-in-law, and the Merchant even in these so delicate Circumstances, found himself free enough to take their Receipts. In fine, they live all together, and their Union is cemented on both sides with so much cordial hearty Love, that their Happiness is perfect.' A Friend of mine, to whom I show'd this Story in the Original, altho' his Circumstances are very near as unfortunate as those of the Merchant before the happy Change, yet could say upon reading it, That he knew not whose Happiness was most to be envy'd, his whose Affairs were so happily retriev'd, or his who had the Opportunity of giving so much Pleasure to others. I believe my benevolent Friend spoke his real Sentiments. I see Virtue in all those who were concern'd in the Story, yet I know not whether their Virtue is more worthy of Admiration than his. _I am Your Friend and Reader,_ Y. Z. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 30, 1732 _Death of a Drunk_ Last Monday Morning a Woman who had been long given to excessive Drinking, was found dead in a Room by her self, upon the Floor. She could not be persuaded to go to Bed the Night before, but would sit up alone, as was her frequent Custom. The Coroners Inquest ascribe her Death to the too great Quantity of Liquor she took at one Time. Her former Husband had many Times put several Sorts of odious Physick into her Drink, in order to give her an Aversion to it, but in vain; for who ever heard of a Sot reclaim'd? If there are any such they are Miracles. People cannot be too cautious of the first Steps that may lead them to be engaged in a Habit the most invincible and the most pernicious of all others. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 7, 1732 _Counterfeits_ Last Monday se'nnight in the Evening, three Men went into the Indian Prince Tavern, and having call'd for some Liquor, one of them offer'd a new Twenty Shilling Bill to be chang'd for the Reckoning; Mr. _R_. _Brockden_, Master of the House, suspecting it to be a Counterfeit, went with it immediately to _A_. _Hamilton_, Esq; (under Pretence of going out to get Change) who caused them presently to be apprehended. Upon Examination, two of them appeared innocent, and were discharged; the third, who offer'd to pass the Bill, being ask'd how he came by it, answer'd that he brought Hogs to Town to sell, and had taken it of a Woman unknown in the Market: Upon searching him, two more of the same sort were found in his Pocket-book, all which he said he had taken for Pork. From the Indian Prince he was carried over to another Tavern, where he had put up his Horse, in order to see if he had any Bags wherein more Bills might be found: While the Examination was continuing there, a Woman Stranger in the outer Room was observed to appear somewhat concern'd; upon which she was call'd in, and ask'd, if she knew that Man: she answer'd Yes, he was her Brother; being ask'd if she had any Money about her, the Man was seen to wink at her, and she answer'd, No; but attempting to slide her Hand into her Pocket, they prevented her, and brought the Woman of the House to search her, who found in her Pocket twenty-three 20 _s_. Bills of the same Sort. The Fellow finding the Story of the Hogs would not answer, nor any other Shuffles avail him any thing, betook himself at last to make an ingenuous Confession. He said that one _Grindal_ who arrived this Summer in Capt. Blair from _Ireland_, got 600 20 _s_. Bills printed there from a Pattern he carried home last Year; that when he came here, he admitted one _Watt_ into the Secret, and gave him a Number of the Bills to pass and exchange in _Pennsylvania_, while he went into the Jersies on the same Account, altering his Name to _Thomson_ lest a Wife he had married at New-Garden should hear of him; and that they were to meet next Christmas at _Philadelphia_, and divide the Profits: That _Watt_ had communicated the Thing to him, and given him Twenty-seven Bills to pass, of which he was to have a Share for himself; telling him, to persuade him to it, that it was no Sin, for it would make Money plentier among poor People. He said he had as yet pass'd but one, of which the Change 19 _s_. was found in his Pocket. He could not tell where _Grindal_ might be at this Time in the Jersies, but he inform'd that _Watt_ was at Eastown in Chester County. Officers were immediately dispatch'd in quest of him, who rid all Night, surpriz'd him in his Bed about Day-break, and guarded him to Town. After Examination he was committed to Prison, to keep company with his Friend the Pork-seller, who it seems has _brought his Hogs to a fine Market_. Tis hoped that by Christmas we shall see _Grindal_ here also, that he may (according to Agreement) _share the Profits with 'em_. The Bills they have attempted to counterfeit are of the last Impression; the Counterfeits might pass with many People who do not take much Notice, but they have imitated the Paper very ill, that of the new Bills being thick and stiff, and the Counterfeits soft and flimsy. What is most surprising is, that the Counterfeiters, with all their care and exactness, have entirely omitted numbering their Bills; at least none of those are number'd which are seiz'd. Was this Infatuation, or were they afraid they should not number them right? _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 19, 1732 Yesterday, being Market Day, Watt who was concern'd in the Counterfeit Money, as mentioned in one of our late Papers, receiv'd part of his Punishment, being whipt, pilloried and cropt. He behaved so as to touch the Compassion of the Mob, and they did not fling at him (as was expected) neither Snow-balls nor any Thing else. We hear that Grindal, the Importer of the Bills, and chief Person concern'd, was taken in the Jersies, but afterwards made his Escape. In his Pocket-Book was found the Account of Charge, so much to the Printer, so much for engraving the Plates, so much for Paper, &c. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, January 11, 1732/3 _Rules for a Club Formerly Established in Philadelphia_ Previous question, to be answer'd at every meeting. Have you read over these queries this morning, in order to consider what you might have to offer the Junto touching any one of them? viz. `1. Have you met with any thing in the author you last read, remarkable, or suitable to be communicated to the Junto? particularly in history, morality, poetry, physic, travels, mechanic arts, or other parts of knowledge. `2. What new story have you lately heard agreeable for telling in conversation? `3. Hath any citizen in your knowledge failed in his business lately, and what have you heard of the cause? `4. Have you lately heard of any citizen's thriving well, and by what means? `5. Have you lately heard how any present rich man, here or elsewhere, got his estate? `6. Do you know of any fellow citizen, who has lately done a worthy action, deserving praise and imitation? or who has committed an error proper for us to be warned against and avoid? `7. What happy effects of intemperance have you lately observed or heard? of imprudence? of passion? or of any other vice or folly? `8. What happy effects of temperance? of prudence? of moderation? or of any other virtue? `9. Have you or any of your acquaintance been lately sick or wounded? If so, what remedies were used, and what were their effects? `10. Who do you know that are shortly going voyages or journies, if one should have occasion to send by them? `11. Do you think of any thing at present, in which the Junto may be serviceable to _mankind_? to their country, to their friends, or to themselves? `12. Hath any deserving stranger arrived in town since last meeting, that you heard of? and what have you heard or observed of his character or merits? and whether think you, it lies in the power of the Junto to oblige him, or encourage him as he deserves? `13. Do you know of any deserving young beginner lately set up, whom it lies in the power of the Junto any way to encourage? `14. Have you lately observed any defect in the laws of your _country_, of which it would be proper to move the legislature for an amendment? Or do you know of any beneficial law that is wanting? `15. Have you lately observed any encroachment on the just liberties of the people? `16. Hath any body attacked your reputation lately? and what can the Junto do towards securing it? `17. Is there any man whose friendship you want, and which the Junto or any of them, can procure for you? `18. Have you lately heard any member's character attacked, and how have you defended it? `19. Hath any man injured you, from whom it is in the power of the Junto to procure redress? `20. In what manner can the Junto, or any of them, assist you in any of your honourable designs? `21. Have you any weighty affair in hand, in which you think the advice of the Junto may be of service? `22. What benefits have you lately received from any man not present? `23. Is there any difficulty in matters of opinion, of justice, and injustice, which you would gladly have discussed at this time? `24. Do you see any thing amiss in the present customs or proceedings of the Junto, which might be amended?' _______________________ Any person to be qualified, to stand up, and lay his hand on his breast, and be asked these questions; viz. `1. Have you any particular disrespect to any present members? -- _Answer._ I have not. `2. Do you sincerely declare that you love mankind in general; of what profession or religion soever? -- _Answ._ I do. `3. Do you think any person ought to be harmed in his body, name or goods, for mere speculative opinions, or his external way of worship? -- _Ans._ No. `4. Do you love truth for truth's sake, and will you endeavour impartially to find and receive it yourself and communicate it to others? -- _Answ._ Yes.' 1732 _Proposals and Queries to be Asked the Junto_ Proposals That P S and A N be immediately invited into the Junto. That all New Members be qualified by the 4 qualifications and all the old ones take it. That these Queries be copied at the beginning of a Book and be read distinctly each Meeting with a Pause between each while one might fill and drink a Glass of Wine. That if they cannot all be gone thro' in one Night we begin the next where we left off, only such as particularly regard the Junto to be read every Night. That it be not hereafter the Duty of any Member to bring Queries but left to his Discretion. That an old Declamation be without fail read every Night when there is no New One. That Mr. Brientnals Poem on the Junto be read once a Month, and hum'd in Consort, by as many as can hum it. That once a Month in Spring, Summer and Fall the Junto meet of a Sunday in the Afternoon in some proper Place cross the River for Bodily Exercise. That in the aforesaid Book be kept Minutes thus Fryday June 30. 1732. Present ABCDEF &c. 1. HP read this Maxim viz. or this Experiment viz or &c. 5. Lately arriv'd one ------ of such a Profession or such a Science &c. 7. XY grew rich by this Means &c. That these Minutes be read once a Year at the Anniversary. That all Fines due be immediately paid in, and that penal Laws for Queries and Declamations be abolish'd only he who is absent above ten Times in the Year, to pay 10_s._ towards the Anniversary Entertainment. That the Secretary for keeping the Minutes be allow'd one Shilling per Night, to be paid out of the Money already in his Hands. That after the Queries are begun reading, all Discourse foreign to them shall be deem'd impertinent. When any thing from Reading an Author is mention'd, if it excead___lines and the Junto require it; The Person shall bring the Passage, or an Abstract of it, in Writing, the next Night, if he has it not with him. When the Books of the Library come: Every Member shall undertake some Author, that he may not be without Observations to communicate. ____________________ Queries to be ask'd the Junto Whence comes the Dew that stands on the Outside of a Tankard that has cold Water in it in the Summer Time? Does the Importation of Servants increase or advance the Wealth of our Country? Would not an Office of Insurance for Servants be of Service, and what Methods are proper for the erecting such an Office? Qu. Whence does it proceed, that the Proselytes to any Sect or Persuasion generally appear more zealous than those who are bred up in it? Answ. I Suppose that People _bred_ in different Persuasions are nearly zealous alike. He that changes his Party is either sincere, or not sincere; that is he either does it for the sake of the Opinions merely, or with a View of Interest. If he is sincere and has no View of Interest; and considers before he declares himself, how much Ill will he shall have from those he leaves, and that those he is about to go among will be apt to suspect his Sincerity: if he is not really zealous he will not declare; and therefore must be zealous if he does declare. If he is not sincere, He is oblig'd at least to put on an Appearance of great Zeal, to convince the better, his New Friends that he is heartily in earnest, for his old ones he knows dislike him. And as few Acts of Zeal will be more taken Notice of than such as are done against the Party he has left, he is inclin'd to injure or malign them, because he knows they contemn and despise him. Hence one Renegade is (as the Proverb says) worse than 10 Turks. ______________________ Qu. Can a Man arrive at Perfection in this Life as some Believe; or is it impossible as others believe? A. Perhaps they differ in the meaning of the Word Perfection. I suppose the Perfection of any Thing to be only the greatest the Nature of that Thing is capable of; different Things have different Degrees of Perfection; and the same thing at different Times. Thus an Horse is more perfect than an Oyster yet the Oyster may be a perfect Oyster as well as the Horse a perfect Horse. And an Egg is not so perfect as a Chicken, nor a Chicken as a Hen; for the Hen has more Strength than the Chicken, and the Chicken more Life than the Egg: Yet it may be a perfect Egg, Chicken and Hen. If they mean, a Man cannot in this Life be so perfect as an Angel, it may be true; for an Angel by being incorporeal is allow'd some Perfections we are at present incapable of, and less liable to some Imperfections that we are liable to. If they mean a Man is not capable of being so perfect here as he is capable of being in Heaven, that may be true likewise. But that a Man is not capable of being so perfect here, as he is capable of being here; is not Sense; it is as if I should say, a Chicken in the State of a Chicken is not capable of being so perfect as a Chicken is capable of being in that State. In the above Sense if there may be a p erfect Oyster, a perfect Horse, a perfect Ship, why not a perfect Man? that is as perfect as his present Nature and Circumstances admit? ______________________ Quest. Wherein consists the Happiness of a rational Creature? Ans. In having a Sound Mind and a healthy Body, a Sufficiency of the Necessaries and Conveniencies of Life, together with the Favour of God, and the Love of Mankind. Qu. What do you mean by a sound Mind? A. A Faculty of reasoning justly and truly in searching after and discovering such Truths as relate to my Happiness. Which Faculty is the Gift of God, capable of being improv'd by Experience and Instruction, into Wisdom. Q. What is Wisdom? A. The Knowledge of what will be best for us on all Occasions and of the best Ways of attaining it. Q. Is any Man wise at all Times, and in all Things? A. No; but some are much more frequently wise than others. Q. What do you mean by the Necessaries of Life? A. Having wholesome Food and Drink wherewith to satisfie Hunger and Thirst, Cloathing and a Place of Habitation fit to secure against the inclemencies of the Weather. Q. What do you mean by the Conveniencies of Life? A. Such a Plenty [ ] ______________________ And if in the Conduct of your Affairs you have been deceived by others, or have committed any Error your self, it will be a Discretion in you to observe and note the same, and the Defailance, with the Means or Expedient to repair it. No Man truly wise but who hath been deceived. Let all your observations be committed to writing every Night before you go to Sleep. ______________________ Query, Whether it is worth a Rational Man's While to forego the Pleasure arising from the present Luxury of the Age in Eating and Drinking and artful Cookery, studying to gratify the Appetite for the Sake of enjoying healthy Old Age, a Sound Mind and a Sound Body, which a re the Advantages reasonably to be expected from a more simple and temperate Diet. Whether those Meats and Drinks are not the best, that contain nothing in their natural Tastes, nor have any Thing added by Art so pleasing as to induce us to Eat or Drink when we are not athirst or Hungry or after Thirst and Hunger are satisfied; Water for Instance for Drink and Bread or the Like for Meat? Is there any Difference between Knowledge and Prudence? If there is any, which of the two is most Eligible? Is it justifiable to put private Men to Death for the Sake of publick Safety or Tranquility, who have committed no Crime? As in the Case of the Plague to stop Infection, or as in the Case of the Welshmen here Executed. ______________________ Whether Men ought to be denominated Good or ill Men from their Actions or their Inclinations? If the Sovereign Power attempts to deprive a Subject of his Right, (or which is the same Thing, of what he thinks his Right) is it justifiable in him to resist if he is able? What general Conduct of Life is most suitable for Men in such Circumstances as most of the Members of the Junto are; Or, of the many Schemes of Living which are in our Power to pursue, which will be most probably conducive to our Happiness. Which is best to make a Friend of, a wise and good Man that is poor; or a Rich Man that is neither wise nor good? Which of the two is the greatest Loss to a Country, if they both die? Which of the two is happiest in Life? Does it not in a general Way require great Study and intense Application for a Poor Man to become rich and Powerful, if he would do it, without the Forfeiture of his Honesty? Does it not require as much Pains, Study and Application to become truly Wise and strictly Good and Virtuous as to become rich? Can a Man of common Capacity pursue both Views with Success at the same Time? If not, which of the two is it best for him to make his whole Application to? 1732 _On Drunkenness_ _To the Printer of the_ GAZETTE. I was much pleas'd with the short Caution you gave in one of your late Papers, on Occasion of a Woman whose sudden Death the Coroner's Inquest ascrib'd to the violent Effect of strong Drink; and being my self related in the nearest manner to one, on whom that Caution seem'd to have some good Effect, I could wish you would pursue it further, in which perhaps you may oblige others beside me: For it is now become the Practice of some otherwise discreet Women, instead of a Draught of Beer and a Toast, or a Hunk of Bread and Cheese, or a wooden Noggin of good Porridge and Bread, as our good old English Custom is, or Milk and Bread boiled, or Tea and Bread and Butter, or Milk-Coffee, &c. they must have their two or three DRAMS in a Morning; by which, as I believe, their Appetite for wholesome Food is taken away, and their Minds stupified, so that they have no longer that prudent Care for their Family, to manage well the Business of their Station, nor that regard for Reputation, which good Women ought to have. And tho' they find their Husband's Affairs every Day going backward thro' their Negligence, and themselves want Necessaries; tho' there be no Bread in the House, and the Children almost barefoot this cold Weather, yet, as if Drinking Rum were part of their Religious Worship, they never fail their constant daily Sacrifice. It is not long since I was present at the following Scene. Enters one who was once a handsome Woman, but now with bloated Face and swollen Legs, _How do you do, Neighbour?_ Indifferent. _Bless me, it's very cold, and I've no Wood at home; but I'll go down to_ ------ , _and they'll help me to Wood; for they have a penny to spend, and a penny to lend, and a penny to lay up. Come, can't you give us a Dram?_ No, I wish I had one. _Come, I've got a Penny._ And I've got but a Penny, if more would save my Life I ha'nt it. _Come then, I've got two pence, and your Penny will fetch half a Pint of Run; and you shall be two pence another time._ So away goes the half-pint Bottle. _And you shall find Sugar, and a little Bit of Butter, and that's pure good this cold Weather._ Judge you how finely things are like to be carried on in the Families over which such Women are placed. I for any part shall never more speak against TEA; let those that like it enjoy it for ever: Tea will not take away their Sense of Shame and of Duty, nor their Fear of Censure: Their Pride in this Particular, may make them careful, and industrious, and frugal in other Respects, that they may have wherewith to support their Rank and Credit in the World. They may still preserve their Modesty, and their natural Affection; But Drunkenness is utterly inconsistent with any one of those Virtues which make Women amiable or valuable to Men. _I am your Friend and Reader,_ &c. ______________________ Altho' it has happened, that of the four unfortunate Wretches, who within these few Weeks have died suddenly in this County, by excessive Drinking of strong Liquor, two were indeed Women; yet it must be acknowledged, that this Kind of Intemperance is by far more frequent among the Men than among them: And perhaps 'tis owing to the general Moderation of Women in the Use of strong Drink, that the present Race of Englishmen retain any considerable Degree of the Health, Robustness, and Activity of their Ancestors. There are, however, some, it seems, who, directly contrary to the Advice given by the Angel to the Mother of the strongest Man, instead of refraining all Drink that may intoxicate, are determin'd to drink nothing else. Their Fault will be its own Punishment: But what Crimes have their unhappy Offspring committed, that they are condemn'd to bring Misery into the World with them, to be born with the Seeds of many future Diseases in their Constitution. The Practice of Drinking Drams is so general, and so well establish'd in the World at present, that some People are apt to wonder, and scarce think it possible, when they are told, that Men formerly lived and performed their Labour without it; and that 'tis scarce 50 Years since distill'd Spirits have been commonly used in England. They were first only to be found in the Apothecary's Shop, and prescrib'd by Physicians in extraordinary Cases, a _Drachm_ at a time, whence we have the present Word _Dram_, but it signifies now much more than the _eighth part of an Ounce._ Our Forefathers, 'tis true, have had Beer many Ages; but within the Memory of Men, Temperance in Drinking was so universal amongst them, especially in the inland Country Places, that a good old Man not long since dead with us, could speak it as an extraordinary Thing, _Verily, I tell thee, Friend, I knew a Smith in aoer Toon, who would sometimes go to th' Alehouse, when he had no other Business there, but to drink!_ Observe, it was _a Smith_, which is allow'd to be a thirsty Trade, _and but one Smith!_ I am afraid we have never a modern Miracle on the other side to match it; that is to say, _A Smith_, or indeed any other Tradesman, _in our Town, who never goes to the Tavern_ but when he has other Business there _beside Drinking_. That decrying of _Drams_ may not be thought the Fancy of whimsical particular Men, who love Singularity, and to talk against every thing that is in Fashion; see the united Wisdom of the British Nation, King, Lords, and Commons in Parliament assembled, condemning that Practice, in the Act made in 1729, for restraining it. The Preamble is worth transcribing. _Whereas the Drinking of Spirits and strong Waters is become very common amongst the People of Inferior Rank, and the constant Use thereof tends greatly to the Destruction of th eir Healths, enervating them, and rendring them unfit for useful Labour, intoxicating them, and debauching their Morals, and leading them into all manner of Vices and Wickedness, the Prevention whereof would be of the greatest publick Good and Benefit,_ &c. 'Tis pity that Act had not fully its desired Effect. I might cite the Opinions of our most famous Physicians, who are universally against the Practice we are speaking of: but I have not Room, and can only at present give a Paragraph or two from Dr. _Allen's Synopsis of Physick_, lately published with considerable Applause. In his Chapter of _POISONS_, having treated of mineral, vegetable, and animal _Poisons_, he concludes with this. DISTILLED POISONS. `There is yet another Family of Poisons, to wit, _Vinous Spirits_ and _distilled intoxicating Liquors_; for the too frequent and plentiful devouring of these (as the ill Custom obtains) hath killed as many Thousands of Men as there are Stars in the Skie; nay, ten times ten hundred Thousands have died by these, more than by all the rest of Poisons whatever, which is not in the least to be doubted of; wherefore I usually call this pernicious Mischief, by way excellence, THE HARM, whether in jest or earnest I need not say. It not only occasions violent Distempers in a great many, but also sometimes _sudden Death_ in some; for which Reason, if it does not deserve the Name of _Poison_, what else it would be called I can neither learn nor conjecture. `An ungrateful Burthen lies upon generous Physicians. Those who guzzle burning Spirits Night and Day, according to their detestable Custom, perpetually tippling _liquid Fire_, when they have extinguished all Concoctions, enervated all the Solids, and corrupted the Liquids; and the Fabrick a long while staggering is now ready to fall, then they seek our Help. What is to be done? The Office of a Scavenger is to be performed; and perhaps when the Drain is made, and by chance the Matter retrieved, they presently return to the same Practice again, as a Dog to the Vomit, or a Sow to the Mire; and prodigal of their Lives, they shorten the remaining part of their Days. What must Physicians, or what can Divines do? Medicines can be of no Service, and they will not hearken to Counsel. All Things will be in vain, they rush into the Embraces of the wicked Poison, they become stupid and blind, deafer to Reason and Counsel than _Marpassus's Rocks_, they thirst forever, and drink as if bit by the _Dipsas_, and the more they drink the more they covet of the _deadly distilled Water_, with which, in as much Haste as they can, they close the Scene, even at the Point of Death calling for the Bottle. Most miserable! and deplorable! `O happy Temperance! never too much to be praised! of the _first_, which thou mad'st the _golden_ Age, _the Ornament and Safeguard!_ thy own Persuasive and Value! worshipped and adored by all pure and pious Souls in all Ages. Thou art, if any thing in the Earth, _the true Composer of Archaeus_, and the Preserver of a sound Mind in a sound Body. Thou lead'st thy Adorers right on the way to a long and happy old Age, with a pleasant and youthful, graceful and lovely Countenance. To conclude, thou art adorned with the Praises even of thy Enemies, and art counted lovely by them, with whom, when thou art cast off, there remains the Curse of _Satyricus_, _Let them see this Virtue, and waste away, since they have forsaken it_.' _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 1, 1732/3 _A Meditation on a Quart Mugg_ Wretched, miserable, and unhappy Mug! I pity thy luckless Lot, I commiserate thy Misfortunes, thy Griefs fill me with Compassion, and because of thee are Tears made frequently to burst from my Eyes. How often have I seen him compell'd to hold up his Handle at the Bar, for no other Crime than that of being empty; then snatch'd away by a surly Officer, and plung'd suddenly into a Tub of cold Water: Sad Spectacle, and Emblem of human Penury, oppress'd by arbitrary Power! How often is he hurry'd down into a dismal Vault, sent up fully laden in a cold Sweat, and by a rude Hand thrust into the Fire! How often have I seen it obliged to undergo the Indignities of a dirty Wench; to have melting Candles dropt on its naked Sides, and sometimes in its Mouth, to risque being broken into a thousand Pieces, for Actions which itself was not guilty of! How often is he forced into the Company of boisterous Sots, who say all their Nonsence, Noise, profane Swearing, Cursing, and Quarreling, on the harmless Mug, which speaks not a Word! They overset him, maim him, and sometimes turn him to Arms offensive or defensive, as they please; when of himself he would not be of either Party, but would as willingly stand still. Alas! what Power, or Place, is provided, where this poor Mug, this unpitied Slave, can have Redress of his Wrongs and Sufferings? Or where shall he have a Word of Praise bestow'd on him for his Well-doings, and faithful Services? If he prove of a large size, his Owner curses him, and says he will devour more than he'll earn: If his Size be small, those whom his Master appoints him to serve will curse him as much, and perhaps threaten him with the Inquisition of the Standard. Poor Mug, unfortunate is thy Condition! Of thy self thou wouldst do no Harm, but much Harm is done with thee! Thou art accused of many Mischiefs; thou art said to administer Drunkenness, Poison, and broken Heads: But none praise thee for the good Things thou yieldest! Shouldest thou produce double Beer, nappy Ale, stallcop Cyder, or Cyder mull'd, fine Punch, or cordial Tiff; yet for all these shouldst thou not be prais'd, but the rich Liquors themselves, which tho' within thee, twill be said to be foreign to thee! And yet, so unhappy is thy Destiny, thou must bear all their Faults and Abominations! Hast thou been industriously serving thy Employers with Tiff or Punch, and instantly they dispatch thee for Cyder, then must thou be abused for smelling of Rum. Hast thou been steaming their Noses gratefully, with mull'd Cyder or butter'd Ale, and then offerest to refresh their Palates with the best of Beer, they will curse thee for thy Greasiness. And how, alas! can thy Service be rendered more tolerable to thee? If thou submittest thy self to a Scouring in the Kitchen, what must thou undergo from sharp Sand, hot Ashes, and a coarse Dishclout; besides the Danger of having thy Lips rudely torn, thy Countenance disfigured, thy Arms dismantled, and thy whole Frame shatter'd, with violent Concussions in an Iron Pot or Brass Kettle! And yet, O Mug! if these Dangers thou escapest, with little Injury, thou must at last untimely fall, be broken to Pieces, and cast away, never more to be recollected and form'd into a Quart Mug. Whether by the Fire, or in a Battle, or choak'd with a Dishclout, or by a Stroke against a Stone, thy Dissolution happens; 'tis all alike to thy avaritious Owner; he grieves not for thee, but for the Shilling with which he purchased thee! If thy Bottom-Part should chance to survive, it may be preserv'd to hold Bits of Candles, or Blacking for Shoes, or Salve for kibed Heels; but all thy other Members will be for ever buried in some miry Hole; or less carefully disposed of, so that little Children, who have not yet arrived to Acts of Cruelty, may gather them up to furnish out their Baby-Houses: Or, being cast upon the Dunghill, they will therewith be carted into Meadow Grounds; where, being spread abroad and discovered, they must be thrown to the Heap of Stones, Bones, and Rubbish; or being left until the Mower finds them with his Scythe, they will with bitter Curses be tossed over the Hedge; and so serve for unlucky Boys to throw at Birds and Dogs; until by Length of Time and numerous Casualties, they shall be press'd into their Mother Earth, and be converted to their original Principles. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 19, 1733 _Blackamore, on Mulatto Gentlemen_ _Set a Beggar on Horseback,_ &c. Chesh. Mr. _Gazetteer_, It is observed concerning the Generation of _Molattoes_, that they are seldom well belov'd either by the Whites or the Blacks. Their Approach towards Whiteness, makes them look back with some kind of Scorn the Colour they seem to have left, while the Negroes, who do not think them better than themselves, return their Contempt with Interest: And the Whites, who respect them no Whit the more for the nearer Affinity in Colour, are apt to regard their Behaviour as too bold and assuming, and bordering upon Impudence. As they are next to Negroes, and but just above 'em, they are terribly afraid of being thought Negroes, and therefore avoid as much as possible their Company or Commerce: and Whitefolks are as little fond of the Company of _Molattoes_. When People by their Industry or good Fortune, from mean Beginnings find themselves in Circumstances a little more easy, there is an Ambition seizes many of them immediately to become _Gentlefolks_: But 'tis no easy Thing for a Clown or a Labourer, on a sudden to hit in all respects, the natural and easy Manner of those who have been genteely educated: And 'tis the Curse of _Imitation_, that it almost always either under-does or over-does. The _true Gentleman_, who is well known to be such, can take a Walk, or drink a Glass, and converse freely, if there be occasion, with honest Men of any Degree below him, without degrading or fearing to degrade himself in the least. For my Part, I am an ordinary Mechanick, and I pray I may always have the Grace to know my self and my Station. As little as I have learnt of the World, whenever I find a Man well dress'd whom I do not know, and observe him mighty cautious how he mixes in Company, or converses, or engages in any kind of equal Affair with such as appear to be his Inferiors; I always judge him, and I generally find him, to be some _new Gentleman_, or rather _half Gentleman_, or _Mungrel_, an unnatural Compound of Earth and _Brass_ like the Feet of _Nebuchadnezzar's_ Image. And if in the Way of my Business, I find some young Woman Mistress of a newly fine furnished House, treating me with a kind of Superiority, a distant sort of Freedom, and a high Manner of Condescension that might become a Governor's Lady, I cannot help imagining her to be some poor Girl that is but lately well married: Or if I see something in her very haughty and imperious, I conclude that 'tis not long since she was somebody's Servant Maid. With Regard to the Respect shown them by the _true Gentry_ and the _no Gentry_, our _half Gentry_ are exactly in the Case of the _Mulattoes_ abovementioned. They are the Ridicule and Contempt of both sides. There is my former Acquaintance (but now he cannot speak to me) the lumpish stupid _Jack Chopstick_, while he kept in his natural Sphere, which (as that of all heavy Bodies) is the lowest, the Figure he made among Acquaintance of his own Rank was well enough; none of us envy'd him, 'tis true, nor none of us despis'd him: But now he has got a little Money, the Case is exceedingly alter'd. Without Experience of Men or Knowledge of Books, or even common Wit, the vain Fool thrusts himself into Conversation with People of the best Sense and the most polite. All his Absurdities, which were scarcely taken Notice of among us, stand evident among them, and afford them continual Matter of Diversion. At the same time, we below cannot help considering him as a Monkey that climbs a Tree, the higher he goes, the more he shows his Arse. To conclude with the Thought I began; there are perhaps _Molattoes_ in Religion, in Politicks, in Love, and in several other Things; but of all sorts of _Molattoes_, none appear to me so monstrously ridiculous as the _Molatto Gentleman_. _I am Yours, &c._ BLACKAMORE. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 30, 1733 _Brave Men at Fires_ _To the Publisher of the_ GAZETTE. An experienc'd Writer has said, there was never a great Man that was not an industrious Man, and I believe that there never was a good Man that was a lazy Man. This may serve to introduce a few Thoughts I have had while meditating on the Circumstances of Buildings on Fire, and the Persons there gather'd. Accidental Fires in Houses are most frequent in the Winter and in the Night Time: But neither Cold nor Darkness will deter good People, who are able, from hastening to the dreadful Place, and giving their best Assistance to quench the Flames; nor wicked People from making as much Haste to pilfer; nor others to be idle Spectators. The two latter Sort are not to be easily instructed and made good; and as it is not in my Power to punish them otherwise than by despising them, as all good People do, I shall here neglect to characterize them further. The brave Men who at Fires are active and speedy with their best Advice and Example, or the Labour of their Hands, are uppermost in my Thoughts. This kind of Industry seems to me a great Virtue. He that is afraid to leave a warm Bed, and to walk in the Dark, and to dawb or tear his Clothes or his Skin; He that makes no Difference between Virtue and Vice, and takes no Pleasure in Hospitality; and He that cares not who suff ers, if he himself gains by it, or suffers not; will not any one of them, be industriously concern'd (if their own Dwellings are out of Danger) in preserving from devouring Flames either private or publick Buildings. But how pleasing must it be to a thinking Man to observe, that not a Fire happens in this Town, but soon after it is seen and cry'd out, the Place is crowded by active Men of different Ages, Professions and Titles; who, as of one Mind and Rank, apply themselves with all Vigilance and Resolution, according to their Abilities, to the hard Work of conquering the increasing Fire. Some of the chiefest in Authority, and numbers of good Housekeepers, are ever ready, not only to direct but to labour, and are not seen to shun Parts or Places the most hazardous; and Others who having scarce a Coat in the World besides that on their Backs, will venture that, and their Limbs, in saving of Goods surrounded with Fire, and in rending off flaming Shingles. They do it not for Sake of Reward of Money or Fame: There is no Provision of either made for them. But they have a Reward in themselves, and they love one another. If it were prudent to mention Names, and could Virtue be prais'd without Danger of Envy and Calumny rising against her, I should rejoyce to know a skilful Pen employ'd, to distinguish, in lively Expressions and significant Language, Men so deserving. This poor Paper shall praise them altogether; and while neither its Author nor they are nam'd, Virtue will be its own Reward, and Envy and Calumny have no Body to point at. Ye Men of Courage, Industry, and Goodness, continue thus in well doing; and if you grow not ostentatious, it will be thought by every good Man who sees your Performances; here are brave Men, Men of Spirit and Humanity, good Citizens, or Neighbours, capable and worthy of civil Society, and the Enjoyment of a happy Government. We see where these Men are, and what they are busy about; they are not snoring in their Beds after a De bauch; they are not employ'd in any Crimes for Concealment whereof the Vicious chuse the Night Season, nor do they prefer their own Ease at Home to the Safety of other Peoples Fortunes or Lives. See there a gallant Man who has rescu'd Children from the Flames! -- Another receives in his Arms a poor scorch'd Creature escaping out at a Window! -- Another is loaded with Papers and the best Furniture, and secures them for the Owner. -- What daring Souls are cutting away the flaming Roof to stop the Fires Progress to others! -- How vigorously do these brave Fellows hand along the Water and work the Engines, and assist the Ladders; and with what Presence of Mind, Readiness and Clearness, do these fine Men observe, advise and direct. Here are Heroes and effective Men fit to compose the Prime of an Army, and to either lay or defend a Siege or Storm. This little City, but esteem'd great of its Age, owes not more at this Day for its long Streets and fair Stories, to Architects of any kind, than to those worthy Inhabitants, who have always started at the first Warning, to oppose and vanquish the Rage of Fire. Besides the Pains freely taken by a great many good People in putting out Fires, some are at the Expence of Buckets and Ladders; without which the Business could not be done. And if it be a Duty incumbent on all that can afford it, to provide such useful Implements, I am of Opinion that it is most so on those, who being decrepid or infirm, cannot assist in Person; or who wearing costly Clothes, would not risque their being spoil'd. But such as can neither advise nor labour, should not stand in the Way of others who can, and are willing. It is true indeed, as well among Men as Bees, that some Drones are in every Hive or Swarm; but I hope there are few so void of Consideration, and Regard to private and publick Safety, as a vagabond Fellow at the late Fire, who, being smartly ask'd by an industrious young Man, why he did not lend a Hand to the Buck ets, answer'd, He car'd not if all the Houses in Town were o'Fire: For which he receiv'd a Bucket of Water on his impudent Face. This was a fit Reward, as it was near at Hand and took up a little Time to give it, but I doubt not a large Majority of People think with me, that he deserves a Punishment much greater and more exemplary. _December_ 1. 1733. _Pennsilvanus_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 20, 1733 _Queries on a Pennsylvania Militia_ B. Franklin, _Thee art desired to insert the following Queries in the_ Gazette, _for the Consideration of People_. Whether it is not a great Disadvantage to the _French_, and a great Discouragement to their Colonies on this Continent, that from the Mouth of _Missisipi_ to St. _Lawrence_ they have no Ports to the Sea, for the Benefit of Trade; but see them all in the Hands of the _English_, for 1500 Miles; tho' they possess a fine Country back of the same Extent? Whether the Possession of the Governments of _N. Y. J. and P._ would not be very convenient for them, as well on Account of the Plenty of Provisions raised here, as for our Rivers which run far back towards their present Settlements? Whether it is not possible for our Pilots to be compell'd to bring armed Vessels up this River? Whether Vessels do not oftentimes turn the Point in Sight of this Town, before we hear of their being in the River? Whether if this Town could be surpriz'd, there is not Plate, Clocks, Watches and other rich Goods in it, sufficient to make it worth their While that attempt? Whether, considering our present Circumstances, any great Number of Men would be necessary for such an Enterprize, or whether a moderate Number would run any great Risque in it? Whether they who are against fortifying their Coun try against an Enemy, ought not, by the same Principle to be against shutting and locking their Doors a Nights? Whether it be not as just to shoot an Enemy who comes to destroy my Country, and deprive the People of their Substance, Lives and Liberties, as to sit (being either Judge or Juryman) and condemn a Man to Death for breaking open a House, or taking a Purse? Whether there was not formerly a People, who possessed a large and good Land, where there was plenty of every Thing; and who lived _after the Manner of the Zidonians, careless, quiet, and secure_? Whether this was not an Invitation to an Enemy? And what was the Consequence? See Judges 18. Whether the _French_ Soldiers are a good, friendly, harmless Sort of People; or whether they are not composed of the Scum, the most profligate, wicked, and abandoned of the Nation? Whether, if they were in Possession of these Governments, and quarter'd upon the Inhabitants, they would out of Honesty and Scruple of Conscience, forbear to take any Thing which was not their own? And out of Modesty and Bashfulness, forbear to ravish any of our Wives and Daughters? Or whether they would not do as they did, when they overrun _Holland_ in 1675? Whether we are sure that if they should attempt to abuse our Women, our Men could be quiet and peaceable Witnesses of it; and that Attempts to rescue and prevent, would not occasion frequent and daily Murders here, as well as in _Holland_ aforesaid? Whether they would not take as much Pride in deflouring _Quaker_ Girls, as the _English_ did in the Nuns of the Town they took in _Spain_? Whether from the Purity of our Lives and the Sanctity of our Manners, we have any more Reason to expect the immediate Protection of Heaven than the rest of our Neighbours? Whether the ancient Story of the Man, who sat down and prayed his Gods to lift his Cart out of the Mire , hath not a very good Moral? Whether 500 disciplined Men well armed, are not able to beat an unarm'd, unheaded, undisciplined, and affrighted Mob of 5000? Whether, if it were known that we fortifyed and exercised ourselves, it would not contribute towards discouraging an Enemy from attacking us? _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 6, 1733/4 _On Constancy_ ------ _Hi mores baec duri immota_ Catonis _Secta fuit, servare modum, finemque tenere, Naturamque sequi, patriaeque impendere vitam_. Lucan. When I have sometimes observ'd Men of Wit and Learning, in Spite of their excellent natural and acquir'd Qualifications, fail of obtaining that Regard and Esteem with Mankind, which their Inferiors in point of Understanding frequently arrive at, I have, upon a slight Reflection, been apt to think, that it was owing to the ill Judgment, Malice, or Envy of their Acquaintance: But of late two or three flagrant Instances of this kind have put me upon thinking and deliberating more maturely, and I find within the Compass of my Observation the greatest part of those fine Men have been ruined for want of _CONSTANCY_, a Virtue never too highly priz'd, and whose true Worth is by few rightly understood. A Man remarkably wavering and inconstant, who goes through with no Enterprize, adheres to no Purpose that he has resolv'd on, whose Courage is surmounted by the most trifling Obstacles, whose Judgment is at any time byass'd by his Fears, whose trembling and disturb'd Imagination will at every Turn suggest to him Difficulties and Dangers that actually have no Existence, and enlarge those that have; A Man, I say, of this Stamp, whatever natural and acquir'd Qual ities he may have, can never be a truly useful Member of a Common-wealth, a sincere or amiable Friend, or a formidable Enemy; and when he is once incapable of bearing either of these Characters, 'tis no Wonder he is contemn'd and disregarded by Men of all Ranks and Conditions. Without Steadiness or Perseverance no Virtue can long subsist; and however honest and well-meaning a Man's Principles may be, the Want of this is sufficient to render them ineffectual, and useless to himself or others. Nor can a Man pretend to enjoy or impart the lasting Sweets of a strict and glorious Friendship, who has not Solidity enough to despise the malicious Misrepresentations frequently made use of to disturb it, and which never fail of Success where a mutual Esteem is not founded upon the solid Basis of Constancy and Virtue. An Intimacy of this sort, contracted by chance, or the Caprice of an unstable Man, is liable to the most violent Shocks, and even an intire Ruin, from very trifling Causes. Such a Man's Incapacity for Friendship, makes all that know his Character absolutely indifferent to him: His known Fickleness of Temper renders him too inconsiderable to be fear'd as a Foe, or caress'd as a Friend. I may venture to say there never was a Man eminently famous but what was distinguish'd by this very Qualification; and few if any can live comfortably even in a private Life without it; for a Man who has no End in View, no Design to pursue, is like an irresolute Master of a Ship at Sea, that can fix upon no one Port to steer her to, and consequently can call not one Wind favourable to his Wishes. 'Tis by his firm and unshaken Adherence to his Country's Cause, his constant Bravery in her Defence, and his burying himself but in her Ruins, that the rigid and severe _Cato_ shines thro' those admirable Lines of _Lucan_, of which my Motto is a part, superior to the learn'd and eloquent _Cicero_, the great and majestick _Pompey_, or the mighty and invincible _Caesar_ himself. This is alone what could move the Poet to set him in Competition with the Gods themselves, and will transmit him down to latest Posterity with the highest Veneration and Honour. To come nearer to our own Times; 'Tis the extraordinary Constancy of _Charles_ XII. of _Sweden_, which makes up the most admirable and inimitable Part of his Character: His severe and impartial Distribution of Justice in his Army, and that fierce and resolute Speech with which he broke up his Council, _Gentlemen, I have resolved never to engage in an unjust War, but never to finish one that is founded upon Justice and Right, but by the Destruction of my Enemies:_ these and such like Instances of his Steadiness and Perseverance in the Pursuit of Justice, have deservedly made him esteem'd the Wonder of his Age. King _Charles_ II. of _England_, was doubtless a Man of great Understanding: His acquir'd Qualities far surpass'd those of _Cromwell_, and his natural Talents at least equal'd them: He came to rule over a People, formidable to all _Europe_ for their Bravery, and exceedingly prepossessed in his Favour; he had learn'd to bear Misfortune by many Years Exile, and numerous Hazards and Difficulties: With these Advantages how great and glorious might he have made his Reign, by the Happiness, Content and Security of his People! 'Tis however undeniable, that the _English_ never were less happy, or less regarded by their Neighbours, than during his Reign. The Reason is obvious; his Inconstancy and Indolence laid him open to every trifling Project, every self-interested Scheme, that an avaritious or revengeful Minister or Mistress could suggest to him for their own sinister Ends. 'Tis this has given many Occasion to think, that he acted thro'out his whole Reign upon no Principles and Maxims, and had no one Design in View. _Cromwel_ came to the supreme Authority with few of these Advantages, and against the Will of the whole Nation, except a few Fanaticks in the Army; but his constant and resolute Carriage, which was the Effect of his keeping one principal End in view, surmounted all Obstacles: 'Twas this, and this alone, which rais'd him so far above the Malice of his Enemies, or the Expectation of his Friends; and gain'd him that high Character from a judicious Historian, _That never Man chose his Party with more Judgment, and executed his Designs with more Constancy and Vigour_. By virtue of this Constancy the _English_ Nation under him arriv'd to that Pitch of Grandeur, as to become a Terror and Dread to their Enemies, and the greatest Protection to their Allies. 'Tis this steady Perseverance that render'd him the Center of the different Factions and Interests in which _England_ was at that time embroil'd, that secur'd his former Friends and Adherents to his Interest, and deter'd his Foes from attempting to undermine his Authority. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 4, 1734 _The Death of Infants_ _Ostendunt Terris hunc tantum Fata, neque ultra Esse sinunt_. -------- Virgil. It has been observ'd Sir _William Petty_ in his _Political Arithmetick_, that one half of Mankind, which are born into this World, die, before they arrive to the age of _Sixteen_, and that an half of the remaining part never measure out the short Term of _Thirty_ Years. That this Observation is pretty just, every inquisitive Person may be satisfied by comparing the several Bills of Mortality, published in _Europe_, for some Years past; even a cursory View of any common Burial-place may, in a great measure evidence the Truth of it. Many Arguments, to prove a _Future State_, have been drawn from the unequal Lot of good and bad Men upon Earth, but no one seems to carry a greater Degree of Probability in it, than the foregoing Observation. -- , To see Virtue languish and repine, to see Vice prosperous and triumphant, to see a _Dives_ faring deliciously every Day, and rioting in all the Excess of Luxury and Wantonness; to see a _Lazarus_ poor, hungry, naked, and full of Sores, lying at his Door, and denied even the Crumbs that fall from his Table, the Portion of his Dogs, which Dogs are more charitable, more human than their Master: Such a View, I confess, raises in us a violent Presumption that there is another State of Retribution, where the Just and the Unjust will be equally punished or rewarded by an impartial Judge. On the other hand, when we reflect on the vast Numbers of Infants, that just struggle into Life, then weep and die, and at the same time consider, that it can be in no wise consistent with the Justice and Wisdom of an infinite Being, to create to no end, we may very reasonably conclude, that those animated Machines, those _Men_ in _miniature_, who know no Difference between Good and Evil, who are incapable of any good Offices towards their Fellow-Creatures, or of serving their Maker, were made for good and wise Designs and Purposes, which Purposes, and Designs transcend all the Limits of our Ideas and all our present Capacities to conceive. Should an able and expert Artificer employ all his Time and his Skill in contriving and framing an exquisite Piece of _Clock-work_, which, when he had brought it to the utmost Perfection Wit and Art were capable of, and just set it a-going, he should suddenly dash it to pieces; would not every wise Man naturally infer, that his intense Application had disturb'd his Brain and impair'd his Reason? Let us now contemplate the Body of an Infant, that curious Engine of Divine Workmanship. What a rich and artful Structure of Flesh upon the solid and well compacted Foundation of Bones! What curious Joints and Hinges, on which the Limbs are moved to and fro! What an inconceivable Variety of Nerves, Veins, Arteries, Fibres and little invisible parts are found in every Member! What various Fluids, Blood and Juices run thro' and agitate the innumerable slender Tubes, the hollow Strings and Strainers of the Body! What millions of folding Doors are fixed within, to stop those red or transparent Rivulets in their course, either to prevent their Return backwards, or else as a Means to swell the Muscles and move the Limbs! What endless contrivances to secure Life, to nourish Nature, and to propagate the same to future Animals! Can we now imagine after such a Survey, that so wise, so good and merciful a Creator should produce _Myriads_ of such exquisite Machines to no other End or Purpose, but to be deposited in the dark Chambers of the Grave, where each of the Dead lie in their cold Mansions, in Beds of Darkness and Dust. The Shadows of a long Evening are stretch'd over them, the Curtains of a deep Midnight are drawn around them, _The Worm lies under them, and the Worm covers them_. No! the Notion of Annihilation has in it something so shocking and absurd, Reason should despise it; rather let us believe, that when they drop this earthly Vehicle they assume an Aetherial one, and become the Inhabitants of some more glorious Region. May they not help to people that infinite Number of _Starry_ and _Planetary_ Worlds that roll above us: may they not become our better _Genii_, our Guardian Angels, watch round our Bed and our Couch, direct our wandring Paths thro' the Maze and Labyrinth of Life, and at length conduct us safe, even us, who were the Instruments of their passing thro' this _Valley_ of Sorrow and Death, to a Land of Peace and the Mountains of _Paradise_? -- But these are things that belong to the Provinces of Light and immortality, and lie far beyond our mortal Ken. -- I was led into this Train of thinking by the Death of a desireable Child, whose Beauty is now turning a pace into Corruption, and all the Loveliness of its Countenance fled for ever. Death sits heavy upon it, and the Sprightliness and Vigour of Life is perished in every Feature and in every Limb. If the foregoing Reflections should urge any one forward in the Paths of Vertue, or yield any Consolation to those in the like Circumstances, and help to divert the Stream of their Sorow into a better Channel, I shall hope my Thoughts have been employ'd to good Purpose. When Nature gave us Tears, she gave us leave to weep. A long Separation from those who are so near a-kin to us in Flesh and Blood, will touch the Heart in a painful Place, and awaken the tenderest Springs of Sorrow. The Sluices must be allowed to be held open a little; _Nature_ seems to demand it as a Debt to _Love_. When _Lazarus_ died, _Jesus_ groaned and wept. I shall only add by way of Conclusion an _Epitaph_ upon an Infant: It is taken from a Tombstone in a little obscure Village in _England_, that seems to have very little Title to any thing so elegantly poetical, which renders it the more remarkable. _Read this and weep -- but not for me; Lament thy longer Misery: My Life was short, my Grief the less; Blame not my Hast to Happiness!_ _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 20, 1734 _Parody and Reply to a Religious Meditation_ _By being too nice in the Choice of the little Pieces sent me by my Correspondents to be printed, I had almost discouraged them from writing to me any more. For the Time to come, and that my Paper may become still more generally agreeable, I have resolved not to regard my own Humour so much in what I print; and thereupon I give my Readers the two following Letters_. Mr. _Franklin_, You gave us in your last a melancholy Account of Human Life, in the Meditation upon that Subject. The gloomy and splenetick Part of your Readers like it much; but as for me, I do not love to see the dark Side of Things; and besides, I do not think such Reflections upon Life altogether just. The World is a very good World, and if we behave our selves well, we shall doubtless do very well in it. I never thought even _Job_ in the right, when he repin'd that the Days of a Man are _few_ and _full of Trouble_; for certainly both these Things cannot be together just Causes of Complaint; if our Days are full of Trouble, the fewer of 'em the better. But as for the Author of the Meditation above-mention'd, besides what he says in common with _Job_, he seems to complain in several respects very weakly, and without the least shadow of Reason; in particular, That he cannot be alive now, and ten Years ago, and ten Years hence, at the same time: With very little Variation, as you shall see, his elegant Expressions will serve for a Child who laments that he cannot eat his Cake and have his Cake. _All the few days we live are full of Vanity; and our choicest Pleasures sprinkled with bitterness:_ All the few Cakes we have are puffed up with Yeast; and the nicest Gingerbread is spotted with Flyshits! _The time that's past is vanish'd like a dream; and that which is to come is not yet at all:_ The Cakes that we have eaten are no more to be seen; and those which are to come are not yet baked. _The present we are in stays but for a moment, and then flies away, and returns no more:_ The present Mouthful is chewed but a little while, and then is swallowed down, and comes up no more. _Already we are dead to the years we have liv'd; and shall never live them over again: Already we have digested the Cakes we have eaten, and shall never eat them over again. _But the longer we live, the shorter is our life; and in the end we become a little lump of clay_. And the more we eat, the less is the Piece remaining; and in the end the whole will become Sir-reverence! _O vain, and miserable world! how sadly true is all this story!_ O vain and miserable Cake-shop! _&c_. Away with all such insignificant Meditations. I am for taking _Solomon_'s Advice, _eating Bread with Joy, and drinking Wine with a merry Heart_. Let us rejoice and bless God, that we are neither Oysters, Hogs, nor Dray-Horses; and not stand repining that He has not made us Angels; lest we be found unworthy of that share of Happiness He has thought fit to allow us. _I am, Yours,_ &c. S. M. _SIR,_ Seeing a very _melancholy_ Piece in your Paper of last Week, asking your Pardon, I think we have enough of that Humour in the World already, without your Addition: I have therefore written the following few Lines in order to palliate it. And as that may be very acceptable to some of your Readers, this may to some others, if you think fit to give it a Place in your next. _I am, Yours, &c_. J. Anonymous. _Most happy are we, the sons of men, above all other creatures, who are born to behold the glorious rays of the sun, and to enjoy the pleasant fruits of the earth_. _With what pleasure did our parents first receive us, first to hear us cry, then to see us smile, and afterwards to behold us growing up and thriving in the world_. _By their good examples and a vertuous education, they put us in the right path to happiness, as all good parents do;_ _Then we, by making a right use of that share of reason with which God hath endued us, spend our days in gaining and enjoying the blessings of life, which are innumerable._ _If we meet with crosses and disappointments, they are but as sowr sauce to the sweet meats we enjoy, and the one hath not a right relish without the other._ _As time passes away, it carries our past pains with it, and returns no more; and the longer we live the fewer misfortunes we have to go through._ _If death takes us off in the heighth of our prosperity, it takes us from the pains which may ensue._ _And a great blessing attends old age, for by that we are naturally wean'd from the pleasures of youth, and a more solid pleasure takes place, The thoughts of our having so far escaped all the hazards that attend mankind, and a contemplation on all our former good actions._ _And if we have done all the good we could, we have done all that we ought, and death is no terror to a good man._ _And after we are far declined, with hearty praises and thanks we recommend our soul to God, the eternal Being from whom we received it._ _Then comes the grave, and the sweet sleep of death, pleasant as a bed is to a weary traveller after a long journey_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 8, 1734 _A Thunderstorm_ Sunday last between 7 and 8 in the Evening we had the most terrible Gust of Wind and Rain accompanied with Thunder and Lightning, that can be remembred in these Parts: It blew down several Stacks of Chimneys, uncovered several Houses, some wholly and others in Part; and quite demolished some weak Buildings. The Violence of it did not continue long, but the Storm was of wide Extent, for we have heard of it from _Conestogoe_, from the Mouth of the Bay, and from _New-York_: At _Conestogoe_ it was about half an hour before it arrived here, but in the Bay it was at near Midnight. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, September 25, 1734 _The Murder of a Daughter_ Saturday last, at a Court of Oyer and Terminer held here, came on the Tryal of a Man and his Wife, who were indicted for the Murder of a Daughter which he had by a former Wife, (a Girl of about 14 Years of Age) by turning her out of Doors, and thereby exposing her to such Hardships, as afterwards produced grievous Sickness and Lameness; during which, instead of supplying her with Necessaries and due Attendance, they treated her with the utmost Cruelty and Barbarity, suffering her to lie and rot in her Nastiness, and when she cried for Bread giving her into her Mouth with a Iron Ladle, her own Excrements to eat, with a great Number of other Circumstances of the like Nature, so that she languished and at length died. The Evidence against them was numerous, and in many Particulars positive; but the Opinion of the Physician who had visited the Child, that whatever Usage might be given her, the Distemper she laboured under was such, as would of itself in all Probability have ended her Life about the Time she died, it is thought weighed so much with the Jury, that they brought in their Verdict only _Man-slaughter_. A Verdict which the Judge, (in a short but pathetic Speech to the Prisoners before the Sentence) told them was _extreamly favourable_; and that, as the Relation of their hitherto unheard-of Barbarity had in the highest Manner shocked all that were present; so, if they were not perfectly stupified, the inward Reflection upon their own enormous Crimes, must be more terrible and shocking to them, than the Punishment they were to undergo: For that they had not only acted contrary to the particular Laws of all Nations, but had even broken the Universal Law of Nature; since there are no Creatures known, how savage, wild, and fierce soever, that have not implanted in them a natural Love and Care of their tender Offspring, and that will not even hazard Life in its Protection and Defence. -- But this is not the only Instance the present Age has afforded, of the incomprehensible Insensibility Dram-drinking is capable of producing. -- They were sentenced to be burnt in the Hand, which was accordingly executed in Court, upon them both, but first upon the Man, who offer'd to receive another Burning if so be his Wife might be excused; but was told the Law would not allow it. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 24, 1734 _Variant Accounts of a Battle_ _As there is nothing more partial than the Accounts given of Battles, all of them lessening or magnifying the Loss or Gain on either Side, just as the Writers are affected; we find it necessary to publish several Accounts on both Sides, when there has been any important Action, that so the Reader may be the better enabled to form a true Judgment: And therefore to the Relations we have already publish'd of the late important Battle in_ Italy, _we shall add the following._ _Guastalla, Sept_. 18. Long had the brave Count Koningsegg meditated Revenge for the fatal Battle of Parma, and Relief for the Honour of the Imperial Arms, by giving the Allies some desperate Blow. He had made several Attempts, but was constantly betrayed; his Designs always took Air, and he could never discover the Traitors: At last, however, he has carried them into Execution. There is an old Saying in Lombardy, That if a Man would execute any Grand Design, he must take Care to possess himself of the Seraglio, (a Spot of Ground between Mantua and the Po). Count Merci neglected this Advice; but Count Koningsegg thought it very just and solid, and posted the 4000 Croatians there, supported by three Regiments of Horse under the Command of General Berlinger, whom he ordered to act along the Oglio as Opportunity should offer. On the 4th, Count Koningsegg ordered the whole Army to be upon its Guard, and every Man in his Post, as if he had received Notice that he should be attacked by the Allies. About Five o'Clock in the Evening, he gave Orders, at the same time that he discovered to them the Design he was going to execute. The Guards were doubled, and Notice was given, that no Person should stir out of the Camp without Leave. The Retreat was beat, as usual, that they might hear it in the Enemy's Camp; and the Trumpets having flourished as at other times, every one retired. At Midnight the Army began its March in three Columns, and in Order of Battle, the Soldiers only in their Wastecoats, without Coats or Knapsacks; _We shall find enough in the Enemy's Camp_, said their Officers to them, _if you have any Hearts_. 13,000 Foot and 6 Regiments of Horse advanced first towards the Secchia above Quistello, and forded it, there not being above three Foot Water. The Count de Waldebeck staid with his Brigade facing Quistello, to make a faint Attack there, as soon as he should hear that they had surprized the Head-Quarters at Bondanello. The French had at Quistello, (which they had well retrenched) 1000 Men and nine Pieces of Cannon; and they had at that time above sixty Officers there. As soon as the Germans had passed the Secchia, they fell upon the Marshal de Broglio's Quarters, who was so sound asleep, that our Granadiers were in his Court-Yard, before he was well awake: Fifty Men and the Officers of the Guard made some Resistance, to give him Time to make his Escape at the back Door in his Shirt, with his Breeches in one Hand, and his two Sons in the other. The Guard then surrendered; and we advanced to the Bridge over-against Quistello, and carried that Quarter; but here the Count de Waldebeck was killed, greatly lamented. During these Preliminaries, the Army advanced apace, and fell upon the Count de Broglio's Body, which consisted of 28 or 30 Battalions, who fled in their Shirts and left their very Arms behind them. The brave Regiments of the King and Picardie were among these; every Man made the best Shift he could for himself, and carried the Alarm to the Right. The Marshal de Coigny made the Troops under his Command take Arms, all in a Hurry and Disorder, and was advancing to the Right; but perceiving that the Imperial Army was marching towards him in three Columns, he halted and called a Council of War; and the Imperialists just then moving towards their Left, it was imagined that they would endeavour to cut off the Army's Retreat towards the Bridge of Guastalla; and therefore it was instantly resolved to make a Retreat that way in the best Order they could. Some Battalions were left with Artillery in the neighbouring Cassines, to stop the Enemy; but those Troops made but a very slender Resistance, and were obliged to yield themselves Prisoners of War. Count Koningsegg seeing the Enemy's Disorder on all Sides, sent 10,000 Men this way, under the Command of Prince Lewis of Wirtemberg, and advanced towards San Benedetto, where were the Head-Quarters of the Savoyards: The King of Sardinia made his Escape in his Night-Gown and Slippers; but two Regiments of his Troops were cut off from the rest and taken. Some Squadrons of Dragoons and the Hussars broke and put into Disorder the Enemy's Rear-Guard, who are divided into Bodies of 2 or 3000 Men each, most of them without Arms, Baggage or Artillery, which we hope to cut off and take one after the other; for we are still pursuing them. The Booty already taken, amounts to upwards of 15 Millions of Livres; for we have taken the Arms of one Third of the Gallo-Sardinick Army, all the Artillery, 12 or 1500 Waggons, all the Baggage, heavy and light, all the Tents; and between 6 and 8000 Prisoners. There were doubtless 1000 or 1200 of the Enemy killed. Never was seen such Confusion. But the Generals who suffered themselves to be thus surprized, how will they come off. _Next here follows a more particular Account of the Second Battle between the same Armies, which happened on the_ 19_th of_ Sept. _viz._ _Mantua, Sept._ 24. We have here the following Particulars of the Battle fought the 19th near Guastalla. Count Konigsegg broke up from Luzara the 16th about Nine in the Morning, and at Ten he ordered the Enemy, who were posted under Guastalla, to be attack'd by seven Battalions of Foot and 12 Companies of General Valpereve and Colmenero, who made the Onset in a very brave and intrepid Manner. The Enemy pour'd on fresh Troops continually; whereupon our Troops were reinforc'd with 17 Companies of Grenadiers and 19 Battallions of Foot: Then the Action became general in a Moment, and thereupon we order'd 50 Squadrons to engage: The Enemy's Horse were then on a Plain, where they were, most advantageously posted behind the Cassines, very deep Ditches, and a great many Bushes, from whence they made a terrible and constant Fire upon our Men, which prevented our knowing their Number. The Generals Valpareve and Colmenero were killed in the Beginning of this Attack, as were all the Field Officers; so that only one Lieutenant-Colonel was at the Head of the seven Battalions who began the Attack. The Prince of Wirtemberg was killed in the Middle of this Action, when his Presence was most necessary to lead on the Foot. Count Koningsegg then seeing that it was impossible for him to break the Enemy's Cavalry, after a continual Fire of about six Hours, order'd his Army to retire, which they did in so good Order, that the Enemy durst not pursue him; and he went and encamped at Luzara, where his Army was encamped the Day before. Notwithstanding the great Loss of Officers above-mentioned, whereby the Attack was something slackened, and our Troops brought into some disorder, our Men did not retire or lose one Inch of Ground, till they were ordered to draw off from the Field of Battle. The Number of our killed and wounded Men amounts to between 4 and 6000. For six or seven Hours nothing was to be seen but Fire and Sword, Dead and Wounded, and Rivulets of Blood. The Field of Battle was indeed left to the Enemy, where they could find nothing to give them Occasion to boast of a Victory; for as the Fire on both Sides was equally strong and continual, we judge their Loss must be equal to ours. The Velt Marshal Konnigsegg has been join'd since the last Battle by 4000 Croatians and three Regiments of Horse. His Excellency is actually making new Dispositions for another Combat. The Retreat of the Imperial Army was owing to the unhappy Loss of the Prince of Wirtemberg, and the Wounds receiv'd by the Generals Valpariso and Watchtendonck; most of the prime Officers were also disabled, by which means none but Lieutenant-Colonel de Uhlenfeld was left to command the seven Battalions engag'd in the heat of Action. Our Loss amounts to between 4 or 5000 Men; that of the Enemy must be as considerable, if not larger. _Paris, Octo_. 6. By our last Account from Italy the Battle of the 19th past was very bloody; for during the Combat wherein the Enemy had between 12 and 13000 kill'd and wounded, they sent away 200 Waggons full of wounded Men; but towards the End, being press'd closely, were oblig'd to leave 900 wounded in the Field, whom our General had remov'd in order to be taken care of. We reckon between 6 and 7000 killed and wounded on our Side. After the Battle the Enemy intrench'd themselves on the Banks of the Po, over-against Burgo-Fort, where they have a Bridge to retire over into the Mantuan in case of Occasion. On the 3d Te Deum was sung in the Church of Notre Dame for the signal Victory in Italy. _London, Octo_. 5. Letters from Paris intimate, that his Most Christian Majesty has been pleas'd to order 100,000 Crowns to be distributed among the Officers who lost their Equipages, when Count Koninsegg surpriz'd the Marshal de Broglio's Quarters; and at the same Time sent Instructions to Marshal Coigny, to inform him of the Number of Officers who had been kill'd in the Surprize, as well as at the Battle, in order to settle Pensions upon their Widows and Children. A private Letter from Paris, dated the 29th, tells us, that the Germans, on the 19th being Sunday, with uncommon Valour attack'd the Allies in their Intrenchment at Guastalla. At 10 the whole Armies were engaged, Sword in Hand. The Fight lasted till 5 in the Afternoon, when the Germans retired, without being pursued, to Luzara, and left behind them some Pieces of Cannon, and a few Colours and Standards. That 15000 Men were kill'd on both Sides, among them 800 Officers. That Marshal de Coigny was wounded, M. d'Harcourt lost one Arm. 'Tis agreed on all Hands, that the Allies were much superior in Number, notwithstanding which, putting the two Actions together, the Loss on both Sides was supposed to be equal. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 19, 1734 _On Protection of Towns from Fire_ _Mr. Franklin,_ Being old and lame of my Hands, and thereby uncapable of assisting my Fellow Citizens, when their Houses are on Fire; I must beg them to take in good Part the following Hints on the Subject of Fires. In the first Place, as _an Ounce of Prevention is worth a Pound of Cure_, I would advise 'em to take Care how they suffer living Brands-ends, or Coals in a full Shovel, to be carried out of one Room into another, or up or down Stairs, unless in a Warmingpan shut; for Scraps of Fire may fall into Chinks, and make no Appearance till Midnight; when your Stairs being in Flames, you may be forced, (as I once was) to leap out of your Windows, and hazard your Necks to avoid being over-roasted. And now we talk of Prevention, where would be the Damage, if, to the Act for preventing Fires, by regulating Bakehouses and Coopers Shops, a Clause were added to regulate all other Houses in the particulars of too shallow Hearths, and the detestable Practice of putting wooden Mouldings on each side the Fire Place, which being commonly of Heart-of-Pine and full of Turpentine, stand ready to flame as soon as a Coal or a small Brand shall roul against them. Once more; If Chimneys were more frequently and more carefully clean'd, some Fires might thereby be prevented. I have known foul Chimneys burn most furiously a few Days after they were swept: People in Confidence that they are clean, making large Fires. Every Body among us is allow'd to sweep Chimneys, that please to undertake that Business; and if a Chimney fires thro' fault of the Sweeper, the Owner pays the Fine, and the Sweeper goes free. This Thing is not right. Those who undertake Sweeping of Chimneys, and employ Servants for that Purpose, ought to be licensed by the Mayor; and if any Chimney fires and flames out 15 Days after Sweeping, the Fine should be paid by the Sweeper; for it is his Fault. We have at present got Engines enough in the Town, but I question, whether in many Parts of the Town, Water enough can be had to keep them going for half an Hour together. It seems to me some Publick Pumps are wanting; but that I submit to better Judgments. As to our Conduct in the Affair of Extinguishing Fires, tho' we do not want Hands or Good-will, yet we seem to want Order and Method, and therefore I believe I cannot do better than to offer for our Imitation, the Example of a City in a Neigbouring Province. There is, as I am well inform'd, a Club or Society of active Men belonging to each Fire Engine; whose Business is to attend all Fires with it whenever they happen; and to work it once a Quarter, and see it kept in order: Some of these are to handle the Firehooks, and others the Axes, which are always kept with the Engine; and for this Service they are consider'd in an Abatement or Exemption in the Taxes. In Time of Fire, they are commanded by Officers appointed by Law, called _Firewards_, who are distinguish'd by a Red Staff of five Feet long, headed with a Brass Flame of 6 Inches; And being Men of Prudence and Authority, they direct the opening and stripping of Roofs by the Ax-Men, the pulling down burning Timbers by the Hook-men, and the playing of the Engines, and command the making of Lanes, &c. and they are impowered to require Assistance for the Removing of Goods out of Houses on fire or in Danger of Fire, and to appoint Guards for securing such Goods; and Disobedience, to these Officers in any, at such Times, is punished by a Fine of 40 s. or Ten Days Imprisonment. These Officers, with the Men belonging to the Engine, at their Quarterly Meetings, discourse of Fires, of the Faults committed at some, the good Management in some Cases at others, and thus communicating their Thoughts and Experience they grow wise in the Thing, and know how to command and to execute in the best manner upon every Emergency. Since the Establishment of this Regulation, it seems there has been no extraordinary Fire in that Place; and I wish there never may be any here. But they suffer'd before they made such a Regulation, and so must we; for _Englishmen_ feel but cannot see; as the _Italian_ says of us. And it has pleased God, that in the Fires we have hitherto had, all the bad Circumstances have never happened together, such as dry Season, high Wind, narrow Street, and little or low Water: which perhaps tends to make us secure in our own Minds; but if a Fire with those Circumstances, which God forbid, should happen, we should afterwards be careful enough. Let me say one thing more, and I will be silent. I could wish, that either Tiles would come in use for a Covering to Buildings; or else that those who build, would make their Roofs more safe to walk upon, by carrying the Wall above the Eves, in the Manner of the new Buildings in _London_, and as Mr. _Turner's_ House in _Front-Street_, or Mr. _Nichols_'s in _Chesnut-Street_, are built; which I conceive would tend considerably to their Preservation. Let others communicate their Thoughts as freely as I have done mine, and perhaps something useful may be drawn from the Whole. _I am yours,_ &c. _A. A._ _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 4, 1734/5 _Self-Denial Not the Essence of Virtue_ To the Printer of the Gazette. _That SELF-DENIAL is not the ESSENCE of VIRTUE_. It is commonly asserted, that without _Self-Denial_ there is no Virtue, and that the greater the _Self-Denial_ the greater the Virtue. If it were said, that he who cannot deny himself in any Thing he inclines to, tho' he knows it will be to his Hurt, has not the Virtue of _Resolution_ or _Fortitude_, it would be intelligible enough; but as it stands it seems obscure or erroneous. Let us consider some of the Virtues singly. If a Man has no inclination to _wrong_ People in his Dealings, if he feels no Temptation to it, and therefore never does it; can it be said that he is not a just Man? If he is a just Man, has he not the Virtue of Justice? If to a certain Man, idle Diversions have nothing in them that is tempting, and therefore he never relaxes his Application to Business for their Sake; is he not an Industrious Man? Or has he not the Virtue of Industry? I might in like manner instance in all the rest of the Virtues: But to make the Thing short, As it is certain, that the more we strive against the Temptation to any Vice, and practise the contrary Virtue, the weaker will that Temptation be, and the stronger will be that Habit; 'till at length the Temptation has no Force, or entirely vanishes: Does it follow from thence, that in our Endeavours to overcome Vice, we grow continually less and less Virtuous; till at length we have no Virtue at all? If Self-Denial be the Essence of Virtue, then it follows, that the Man who is naturally temperate, just, &c. is not virtuous; but that in order to be virtuous, he must, in spight of his natural Inclinations, wrong his Neighbours, and eat and drink, &c. to excess. But perhaps it may be said, that by the Word _Virtue_ in the above Assertion, is meant, _Merit_; and so it should stand thus; Without Self-Denial there is no Merit; and the greater the Self-Denial the greater the Merit. The Self-denial here meant, must be when our Inclinations are towards Vice, or else it would still be Nonsense. By Merit is understood, Desert; and when we say a Man merits, we mean that he deserves Praise or Reward. We do not pretend to merit any thing of God, for he is above our Services; and the Benefits he confers on us, are the Effects of his Goodness and Bounty. All our Merit then is with regard to one another, and from one to another. Taking then the Assertion as it last stands, If a Man does me a Service from a natural benevolent Inclination, does he deserve less of me than another who does me the like Kindness against his Inclination? If I have two Journeymen, one naturally industrious, the other idle, but both perform a Days Work equally good, ought I to give the latter the most Wages? Indeed, lazy Workmen are commonly observ'd to be more extravagant in their Demands than the Industrious; for if they have not more for their Work, they cannot live so well: But tho' it be true to a Proverb, _That Lazy Folks take the most Pains_, does it follow that they deserve the most Money? If you were to employ Servants in Affairs of Trust, would you not bid more for one you knew was naturally honest, than for one naturally roguish, but who had lately acted honestly? For Currents whose natural Channel is damm'd up, (till the new Course is by Time worn sufficiently deep and become natural,) are apt to break their Banks. If one Servant is more valuable than another, has he not more Merit than the other? And yet this is not on Account of Superior Self-denial. Is a Patriot not praise-worthy, if Publick Spirit is natural to him? Is a Pacing-Horse less valuable for being a natural Pacer? Nor in my Opinion has any Man less Merit for having in general natural virtuous Inclinations. The Truth is, that Temperance, Justice, Charity, &c. are Virtues, whether practis'd with or against our Inclinations; and the Man who practises them, merits our Love and Esteem: And Self-denial is neither good nor bad, but as 'tis apply'd: He that denies a Vicious Inclination is Virtuous in proportion to his Resolution, but the most perfect Virtue is above all Temptation, such as the Virtue of the Saints in Heaven: And he who does a foolish, indecent or wicked Thing, meerly because 'tis contrary to his Inclination, (like some mad Enthusiasts I have read of, who ran about naked, under the Notion of taking up the Cross) is not practising the reasonable Science of Virtue, but is lunatick. _New-Castle, Feb._ 5. 1734,5. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 18, 1734/5 _A Man of Sense_ _Mr. Franklin,_ `Being the other Day near the Meeting-House Corner with some Gentlemen, in the open Street, I heard the following Piece of Conversation; and penn'd it down as soon as I came home. I am confident it varies scarce any thing from what really passed; and as it pleased the By-standers, it may possibly please the Publick, if you give it a Place in your Paper. `It not being proper to name the Persons discoursing, I shall call one of them _Socrates_, his manner of Arguing being in my Opinion, somewhat like that of _Socrates_: And, if you please, the other may be _Crito_.' _I am Yours,_ &c. A. A. _Socrates._ Who is that well-dress'd Man that passed by just now? _Crito._ He is a Gentleman of this City, esteem'd a _Man of Sense_, but not very honest. _S._ The Appellation of _a Man of Sense _ is of late frequently given, and seems to come naturally into the Character of every Man we are about to praise: But I am at some Loss to know whether a Man who _is not honest_ can deserve it. _C._ Yes, doubtless; There are many vicious Men who are nevertheless Men of very good Sense. _S._ You are of Opinion, perhaps, that a Man of Knowledge is _a Man of Sense_. _C._ I am really of that Opinion. _S._ Is the Knowledge of Push-pin, or of the Game at Ninepins, or of Cards and Dice, or even of Musick and Dancing, sufficient to constitute the Character of a Man of Sense? _C._ No certainly; there are many silly People that understand these Things tolerably well. _S._ Will the Knowledge of Languages, or of Logic and Rhetoric serve to make a Man of Sense. _C._ I think not; for I have known very senseless Fellows to be Masters of two or three Languages; and mighty full of their Logic, or their Rhetoric. _S._ Perhaps some Men may understand all the Forms and Terms of Logic, or all the Figures of Rhetoric, and yet be no more able to convince or to perswade, than others who have not learnt those Things? _C._ Indeed I believe they may. _S._ Will not the Knowledge of the Mathematicks, Astronomy, and Natural Philosophy, those sublime Sciences, give a Right to the Character of _a Man of Sense_. _C._ At first Sight I should have thought they might: But upon Recollection I must own I have known some Men, Masters of those Sciences, who, in the Management of their Affairs, and _Conduct of their Lives_, have acted very weakly, I do not mean viciously but foolishly; and therefore I cannot find in my Heart to allow 'em the Character of _Men of Sense._ _S._ It seems then, that no Knowledge will serve to give this Character, but the Knowledge of our _true Interest_; that is, of what is best to be done in all the Circumstances of Humane Life, in order to arrive at our main End in View, HAPPINESS. _C._ I am of the same Opinion. And now, as to the Point in Hand, I suppose you will no longer doubt whether a vicious Man may deserve the Character of a Man of Sense, since 'tis certain that there are many Men who _know_ their true Interest, &c. and are therefore _Men of Sense_, but are nevertheless vicious and dishonest Men, as appears from the whole Tenour of their Conduct in Life. _S._ Can Vice consist with any Man's true Interest, or contribute to his Happiness. _C._ No certainly; for in Proportion as a Man is vicious he loses the Favour of God and Man, and brings upon himself many Inconveniences, the least of which is capable of marring and demolishing his Happiness. _S._ How then does it appear that those vicious Men have the Knowledge we have been speaking of, which constitutes _a Man of Sense_, since they act directly contrary? _C._ It appears by their Discoursing perfectly well upon the Subjects of Vice and Virtue, when they occur in Conversation, and by the just Manner in which they express their Thoughts of the pernicious Consequences of the one, and the happy Effects of the other. _S._ Is it the Knowledge of all the Terms and Expressions proper to be used in Discoursing well upon the Subject of making a good Shoe, that constitutes a Shoemaker; or is it the Knowing how to go about it and do it? _C._ I own it is the latter, and not the former. _S._ And if one who could only _talk finely_ about Shoe-making, were to be set to work, would he not presently discover his Ignorance in that Art? _C._ He would, I confess. _S._ Can the Man who is only able to talk justly of Virtue and Vice, and to say that "Drunkenness, Gluttony and Lewdness destroy a Man's Constitution; waste his Time and Substance, and bring him under many Misfortunes, (to the Destruction of his Happiness) which the contrary Virtues would enable him to avoid;" but notwithstanding his talking thus, continues in those Vices; can such a Man deserve the Character of a Temperate and Chaste Man? Or does not that Man rather deserve it, who having _a thorough Sense_ that what the other has said is true, _knows_ also _how_ to resist the Temptation to those Vices, and embrace Virtue with a hearty and steady Affection? _C._ The latter, I acknowledge. And since Virtue is really the true Interest of all Men; and some of those who talk well of it, do not put it in Practice, I am now inclined to believe they speak only by rote, retailing to us what they have pick'd out of the Books or Conversation of wise and virtuous Men; but what having never enter'd or made any Impression on their Hearts, has therefore no Influence on the Conduct of their Lives. _S._ Vicious Men, then, do not appear to have that Knowledge which constitutes _the Man of Sense_. _C._ No, I am convinced they do not deserve the Name. However, I am afraid, that instead of _defining_ a Man of Sense we have now entirely _annihilated_ him: For if the Knowlege of his true Interest in all Parts of the Conduct of Life, and a constant Course of Practice agreeable to it, are essential to his Character, I do not know where we shall find him. _S._ There seems no necessity that to be a Man of Sense, he should never make a Slip in the Path of Virtue, or in Point of Morality; provided he is sensible of his Failing and diligently applys himself to rectify what is done amiss, and to prevent the like for the future. The best Arithmetician may err in casting up a long Account; but having found that Error, he _knows how_ to mend it, and immediately does so; and is notwithstanding that Error, an Arithmetician; But he who _always_ blunders, and cannot correct his Faults in Accounting, is no Arithmetician; nor is the habitually-vicious Man _a Man of Sense_. _C._ But methinks 'twill look hard, that all other Arts and Sciences put together, and possess'd by one Man in the greatest Perfection, are not able to dignify him with the Title of _a Man of Sense_, unless he be also a Man of Virtue. _S._ We shall agree, perhaps, that one who is _a Man of Sense_, will not spend his Time in learning such Sciences as, if not useless in themselves, will probably be useless to him? _C._ I grant it. _S._ And of those which may be useful to him, that is, may contribute to his Happiness, he ought, if he is a Man of Sense to know how to make them so. _C._ To be sure. _S._ And of those which may be useful, he will not (if he is a Man of Sense) acquire all, except that One only which is the most useful of all, to wit, the Science of Virtue. _C._ It would, I own, be inconsistent with his Character to do so. _S._ It seems to follow then, that the vicious Man, tho' Master of many Sciences, must needs be an ignorant and foolish Man; for being, as he is vicious, of consequence unhappy, either he has acquired only the useless Sciences, or having acquired such as might be useful, he knows not how to make them contribute to his Happiness; and tho' he may have every other Science, he is ignorant that the SCIENCE OF VIRTUE is of more worth, and of more consequence to his Happiness than all the rest put together. And since he is ignorant of what _principally_ concerns him, tho' it has been told him a thousand Times from Parents, Press, and Pulpit, the Vicious Man however learned, cannot be _a Man of Sense_, but is a Fool, a Dunce, and a Blockhead. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 11, 1734/5 _Reply to a Piece of Advice_ _Mr. Franklin,_ In your Paper of the 18th past, some Verses were inserted, said to be design'd as a PIECE OF ADVICE to a good Friend. As this _Piece of Advice_, if it had been intended for a particular Friend alone, might have been as well convey'd to him privately; I suppose the Author by getting it publish'd, thinks it may be of Use to great Numbers of others, in his Friend's Circumstances. The import of it is, "That 'tis mighty silly for a single Man to change his State; for assoon as his Wishes are crown'd, his expected Bliss dissolves into Cares in Bondage, which is a compleat Curse; That only Fools in Life wed, for every Woman is a Tyrant: That he who marries, acts contrary to his Interest, loses his Liberty and his Friends, and will soon perceive himself undone; and that the best of the Sex are no better than a Plague." So ill-natur'd a Thing must have been written, either by some forlorn old Batchelor, or some cast-away Widower, that has got the Knack of drowning all his softer Inclinations in his Bowl or his Bottle. I am grown old and have made abundance of Observations, and I have had three Wives my self; so that from both Experience and Observation I can say, that this Advice is wrong and untrue in every Particular. It is wrong to assert _that tis silly in a single Man to change his State_: For what old Batchelor can die without Regret and Remorse, when he reflects upon his Death-bed, that the inestimable Blessing of Life and Being has been communicated by Father to Son through all Generations from _Adam_ down to him, but in him it stops and is extinguished; and that _the Humane Race divine_ would be no more, for any Thing he has done to continue it; he having, like the wicked Servant, _wrapt up and hid his Talent in a Napkin_, (i. e. his Shirt Tail,) while his Neighbours the Good and Faithful Servants, had some of them produced _Five_ and some _Ten._ I say such an one shall not only die with Regret, but he may justly fear a severe Punishment. Nor is it true that _assoon as a Man weds, his expected Bliss dissolves into slavish Cares and Bondage._ Every Man that is really a Man is Master of his own Family; and it cannot be _Bondage_ to have another submit to one's Government. If there be any Bondage in the Case, 'tis the Woman enters into it, and not the Man. And as to the _Cares_, they are chiefly what attend the bringing up of Children; and I would ask any Man who has experienced it, if they are not the most delightful Cares in the World; and if from that Particular alone, he does not find the _Bliss_ of a double State much greater, instead of being less than he expected. In short this _Bondage_ and these _Cares_ are like the Bondage of having a beautiful and fertile Garden, which a Man takes great Delight in; and the Cares are the Pleasure he finds in cultivating it, and raising as many beautiful and useful Plants from it as he can. And if common Planting and Gardening be an Honourable Employment, (as 'tis generally allow'd, since the greatest Heroes have practic'd it without any Diminution to their Glory) I think _Human Planting_ must be more Honourable, as the Plants to be raised are more excellent in their Nature, and to bring them to Perfection requires the greater Skill and Wisdom. As to the Adviser's next Insinuation, that _only Fools wed, and every Woman is a Tyrant_; 'tis a very severe and undutiful Reflection upon his own Father and Mother; and since he is most likely to know best the Affairs of his own Family, I shall not contradict him in that particular, so far as relates to his own Relations: for perhaps his Aversion to a Wife arises from observing how his Mamma treated his Daddy; for she might be a _Xantippe_ tho' he was no _Socrates_; it being probable that a wise Man would have instill'd sounder Principles into his Son. But in general I utterly dissent from him, and declare, that I scarce ever knew a Man who knew how to command in a proper Manner, but his Wife knew as well how to show a becoming Obedience. And there are in the World infinitely more He-Tyrants than She-Ones. In the next Place he insinuates, that _a Man by marrying, acts contrary to his Interest, loses his Liberty and his Friends, and soon finds himself undone_. In which he is as much mistaken as in any of the rest. A Man does not act contrary to his Interest by Marrying; for I and Thousands more know very well that we could never thrive till we were married; and have done well ever since; What we get, the Women save; a Man being fixt in Life minds his Business better and more steadily; and he that cannot thrive married, could never have throve better single; for the Idleness and Negligence of Men is more frequently fatal to Families, than the Extravagance of Women. Nor does a Man _lose his Liberty_ but encrease it; for when he has no Wife to take Care of his Affairs at Home, if he carries on any Business there, he cannot go Abroad without a Detriment to that; but having a Wife, that he can confide in, he may with much more Freedom be abroad, and for a longer Time; thus the Business goes on comfortably, and the good Couple relieve one another by turns, like a faithful Pair of Doves. Nor does he _lose Friends_ but gain them, by prudently marrying; for there are all the Woman's Relations added to his own, ready to assist and encourage the new-married Couple; and a Man that has a Wife and Children, is sooner trusted in Business, and can have Credit longer and for larger Sums than if he was single, inasmuch as he is look'd upon to be more firmly settled, and under greater Obligations to behave honestly, for his Family's Sake. I have almost done with our _Adviser_, for he says but one thing more; to wit, _that the best of the Sex are no better than Plagues._ Very hard again upon his poor Mother, who tho' she might be the best Woman in the World, was, it seems, in her graceless Son's Opinion, no better than a Pestilence. Certainly this Versifyer never knew what a Woman is! He must be, as I conjectur'd at first, some forlorn old Batchelor. And if I could conjure, I believe I should discover, that his Case is like that of many other old He-Maids I have heard of. Such senseless Advice as this can have no Effect upon them; 'tis nothing like this, that deters them from marrying. But having in some of their first Attempts upon the kinder Sort of the Fair Sex, come off with Shame and Disgrace, they persuade themselves that they are, (and perhaps they are) really Impotent: And so durst not marry, for fear of those dishonourable Decorations of the Head, which they think it the inevitable Fate of a Fumbler to wear. Then, like the Fox who could not use his Tail, (but the Fox had really lost it) they set up for _Advisers_, as the Gentleman I have been dealing with; and would fain persuade others, that the Use of their own Tails is more mischievous than beneficial. But I shall leave him to Repentance; and endeavour to make the Reader some Amends for my Scribble, by adding the following Verses from the two best English Poets that ever were; only hinting, that by the first two Lines 'tis plain from whence our Poetical Adviser had his Inspiration. Our Maker bids increase; who bids abstain, But our _Destroyer_, foe to GOD and Man? Hail wedded Love! mysterious Law, true source Of human Offspring, sole propriety In Paradise! of all Things common else. By thee adult'rous Lust was driv'n from Men, Among the bestial Herds to range; by thee, (Founded in Reason, loyal, just, and pure) Relations dear, and all the Charities Of Father, Son, and Brother, first were known. Perpetual Fountain of domestic Sweets! Whose Bed is undefil'd, and chaste, pronounc'd. Here, Love his golden shafts employs; here lights His constant Lamp; and waves his purple Wings; Reigns here, and revels: not in the bought smile Of harlots; loveless, joyless, un-endear'd; Casual fruition! _Milton_. BUT happy they! the happiest of their Kind! Whom gentler Stars unite, and in one Fate Their Hearts, their Fortunes, and their Beings blend. 'Tis not the courser Tie of human Laws, Unnatural oft, and foreign to the Mind, Which binds their Peace, but Harmony itself, Attuning all their Passions into Love; Where Friendship full-exerts his softest Power, Perfect Esteem enliven'd by Desire Ineffable, and Sympathy of Soul, Thought meeting Thought, and Will preventing Will, With boundless Confidence; for nought but Love Can answer Love, and render Bliss secure. ------ those whom Love cements, in holy Faith, And equal Transport, free as Nature, live, Disdaining Fear; for what's the World to them, It's Pomp, it's Pleasure, and it's Nonsense all! Who in each other clasp whatever fair High Fancy forms, and lavish Heart can wish, Something than Beauty dearer, should they look Or on the Mind, or mind-illumin'd Face; Truth, Goodness, Honour, Harmony and Love, The richest Bounty of indulgent _Heaven_. Mean-time a smiling Offspring rises round, And mingles both their Graces. By degrees, The human Blossom blows; and every Day, Soft as it rolls along, shows some new Charm, The Father's Lustre, and the Mother's Bloom. Then infant Reason grows apace, and calls For the kind Hand of an assiduous Care; Delightful Task! to rear the tender Thought, To teach the young Idea how to shoot, To pour the fresh Instruction o'er the Mind, To breathe th' inspiring Spirit, and to plant The generous Purpose in the glowing Breast. Oh speak the Joy! You, whom the sudden Tear Surprizes often, while you look around, And nothing strikes your Eye but Sights of Bliss, All various Nature pressing on the Heart, Obedient Fortune, and approving _Heaven._ These are the Blessings of diviner Love; And thus their Moments fly; the _Seasons_ thus, As ceaseless round a jarring World they roll, Still find them happy; and consenting SPRING Sheds her own rosy Garland on their Head: Till Evening comes at last, cool, gentle, calm; When after the long vernal Day of Life, Enamour'd more, as Soul approaches Soul, Together, down they sink in social Sleep. _Thomson_. _I am, Sir, _Your most humble Servant_, A. A. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 4, 1734/5 _On a Pertinacious Obstinacy in Opinion_ As a _pertinacious Obstinacy_ in Opinion, and confident _Self-Sufficiency_, is possibly one of the greatest Vices, as well as Weaknesses, that the human Mind is capable of; so on the contrary a Readiness to give up a _loved Opinion_, upon due Conviction, is as great a Glory, as well as Happiness, as we are here capable of attaining: For as _Solomon_ justly observes, a _wise Man_ feareth; he, conscious of his own Imperfections, and sensible of the numberless Mistakes and Errors we are here subject and liable to, submits to the Dictates of Truth and Wisdom, where-ever he finds them, and thereby avoids the Evil, and attains the Glory. But the _Fool_, the self-sufficient Man, who proudly arrogates all Knowledge and Science to himself, rageth at Contradiction, and will not suffer his Knowledge to be questioned; what wonder is it then, if he _fall into Evil_ when he is thus _confident_? It is a just Observation, that a love of Truth and Goodness is not more essential to an honest Man than a Readiness to change his Mind and Practice, upon Conviction that he is in the wrong: And indeed, these two are inseparably connected in our present fallible Condition; possibly those who are arrived at a better State, may get clear of all their Mistakes, as well as their ill Habits immediately, and yet be capable of an endless Improvement in Knowledge, by having their Minds extended still to discover further Objects and new Relations of Things which they had no Notions of before. Upon this Supposition they may receive continual Additions to their Store, and yet have no Occasion to change their former Sentiments, because they were right as far as they went: But I am sure in this Life we find frequent Reason _to give up mistaken Opinions_, as well as to take in additional Light. We cannot but perceive ourselves liable to innumerable Errors, even when we are most careful to avoid them, either from our Ignorance in the Nature of Things, or in the Use and Meaning of Words. We take up Opinions, or engage in Parties, thro' the influence of Education, Friendship, and Alliances, or in the Heat of Opposition and Prejudice, which cannot be maintained upon more exact Enquiries, or in cool impartial Thoughts. _Prevailing Opinions_ insensibly gain the Possession of our Minds, and have commonly the Advantage of being Firstcomers: and yet are very often no better than _prevailing Falshoods_, directly the Reverse of Truth. We are all apt to be misled, where the Safety of our Interest, or Peace with our Neighbours appear to depend upon a particular Sett of Principles, or upon falling in with a Party. A Man can hardly forbear wishing those Things to be true and right, which he apprehends would be for his Conveniency to find so: And many Perswasions, when they are looked into, plainly appear to have no better a Foundation. It must therefore be highly reasonable, to examine our Sentiments, and always to _lie open to Conviction_ and farther Light upon better Consideration of a Case, and to be willing to profit by the Diligence and Enquiries, as well of other Men, as ourselves. Without this, _Reason_ would be given us in vain, _Study_ and _Converse_ wou'd be useless and unprofitable Things. It would be much happier for us to have no Advantages for better Instruction, or no Capacity to improve by them, if we must necessarily be staked down to those Apprehensions of Things, either in _Religion_ or _Politicks_, which we have happened to light upon. That Man only, who is ready to change his Mind upon proper Conviction, is in the Way to come at the Knowledge of Truth. He who is neither _ashamed_ of his own Ignorance, nor _unwilling_ to receive Help from any Quarter towards the better Information of his Mind, or _afraid_ to discard an old and _favoured_ Opinion, upon better Evidence; he, I say, will find Truth kindly open before him, and freely offer it self to him: He will be surprized with the noble Pleasure of a new Discovery, and his Knowledge will be always progressive as long as he lives. But a Man _tenacious_ of his _first Thoughts_ is necessarily concluded in Error, if ever he happens to mistake: For when People once arrive to an Opinion of Infallibility, they can never grow wiser than they already are. It is an Argument indeed of _Levity_ and _Weakness_ of Mind, to change our Opinion upon every slight Appearance, or to give it up to the Authority of others: But it argues a _real Greatness_ of Soul, to have always a regard for Truth, superiour to every other Consideration, and to feel an undissembled Pleasure upon the Discovery of it. If Truth is _Divine_ and _Eternal_, 'tis the natural Homage of a Reasonable Mind to yield to its powerful Light, and embrace its lovely Form wherever it appears; 'tis _Superstition_ to be fond of an old Opinion not supported by it; It is _Idolatry_ to adore the Image and false Appearance of it: But it is open _Prophaness_, to neglect and contemn it. The only acceptable Sacrifice here, is that of our _darling Prejudice_, and the Offering of an upright Mind is like the Perfume of Incense. But a sincere and hearty Lover of Truth will not content himself with a meer Change of his Sentiments upon Conviction, concealed within his own Breast; but will ingenuously acknowledge his Mistake, as freely and as publickly as he avowed it. The same Frankness and Sincerity which make me declare myself of one Opinion at one Time, will oblige me to declare myself of another afterwards, if my Sentiments are really altered. We owe this Justice to Mankind as well as Truth. VERIDICUS. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 27, 1735 _Dialogue Between Two Presbyterians_ Mr. FRANKLIN, _You are desired by several of your Readers to print the following_ DIALOGUE. _It is between Two of the Presbyterian Meeting in this City. We cannot tell whether it may not be contrary to your Sentiments, but hope, if it should, you will not refuse publishing it on that Account: nor shall we be offended if you print any thing in Answer to it._ We are yours, _&c._ A.B.C.D. _S._ Good Morrow! I am glad to find you well and abroad; for not having seen you at Meeting lately, I concluded you were indispos'd. T. _Tis true I have not been much at Meeting lately, but that was not occasion'd by any Indisposition. In short, I stay at home, or else go to Church, because I do not like Mr._ H. _your new-fangled Preacher._ _S._ I am sorry we should differ in Opinion upon any Account; but let us reason the Point calmly; what Offence does Mr. _H._ give you? T. _Tis his Preaching disturbs me: He talks of nothing but the Duties of Morality: I do not love to hear so much of Morality: I am sure it will carry no Man to Heaven, and I do not think it fit to be preached in a Christian Congregation_. _S._ I suppose you think no Doctrine fit to be preached in a Christian Congregation, but such as Christ and his Apostles used to preach. T. _To be sure I think so_. _S._ I do not conceive then how you can dislike the Preaching of Morality, when you consider, that Morality made the principal Part of their Preaching as well as of Mr. _H_'s. What is Christ's Sermon on the Mount but an excellent moral Discourse, towards the End of which, (as foreseeing that People might in time come to depend more upon their _Faith_ in him, than upon _Good Works_, for their Salvation) he tells the Hearers plainly, that their saying to him, _Lord, Lord_, (that is, professing themselves his Disciples or _Christians_) should give them no Title to Salvation, but their _Doing_ the Will of his Father; and that tho' they have prophesied in his Name, yet he will declare to them, as Neglecters of Morality, that he never knew them. T. _But what do you understand by that Expression of Christ's,_ Doing the Will of my Father. _S._ I understand it to be the Will of God, that we should live virtuous, upright, and good-doing Lives; as the Prophet understood it, when he said, _What doth the Lord require of thee, O Man, but to do justly, love Mercy, and walk humbly with the Lord thy God._ T. _But is not Faith recommended in the New Testament as well as Morality?_ _S._ Tis true, it is. Faith is recommended as a Means of producing Morality: Our Saviour was a Teacher of Morality or Virtue, and they that were deficient and desired to be taught, ought first to _believe_ in him as an able and faithful Teacher. Thus Faith would be a Means of producing Morality, and Morality of Salvation. But that from such Faith alone Salvation may be expected, appears to me to be neither a Christian Doctrine nor a reasonable one. And I should as soon expect, that my bare Believing Mr. _Grew_ to be an excellent Teacher of the Mathematicks, would make me a Mathematician, as that Believing in Christ would of it self make a Man a Christian. T. _Perhaps you may think, that tho' Faith alone cannot save a Man, Morality or Virtue alone, may._ _S._ Morality or Virtue is the End, Faith only a Means to obtain that End: And if the End be obtained, it is no matter by what Means. What think you of these Sayings of Christ, when he was reproached for conversing chiefly with gross Sinners, _The whole,_ says he, _need not a Physician, but they that are sick;_ and, _I come not to call the Righteous, but Sinners, to Repentance:_ Does not this imply, that there were good Men, who, without Faith in him, were in a State of Salvation? And moreover, did he not say of _Nathanael_, while he was yet an Unbeliever in him, and thought no Good could possibly come out of Nazareth, _Behold an Israelite indeed, in whom there is no Guile!_ that is, _behold a virtuous upright Man._ Faith in Christ, however, may be and is of great Use to produce a good Life, but that it can conduce nothing towards Salvation where it does not conduce to Virtue, is, I suppose, plain from the Instance of the Devils, who are far from being Infidels, _they believe_, says the Scripture, _and tremble._ There were some indeed, even in the Apostles' Days, that set a great Value upon Faith, distinct from Good Works, they meerly idolized it, and thought that a Man ever so righteous could not be saved without it: But one of the Apostles, to show his Dislike of such Notions, tells them, that not only those heinous Sins of Theft, Murder, and Blasphemy, but even _Idleness_, or the Neglect of a Man's Business, was more pernicious than meer harmless Infidelity, _He that neglects to provide for them of his own House,_ says he, _is WORSE than an Infidel._ St. _James_, in his second Chapter, is very zealous against these Cryers-up of Faith, and maintains that Faith without Virtue is useless, _Wilt thou know, O vain Man,_ says he, _that Faith without Works is dead;_ and, _shew me your Faith without your Works, and I will shew you mine by my Works_. Our Saviour, when describing the last Judgment, and declaring what shall give Admission into Bliss, or exclude from it, says nothing of _Faith_ but what he says against it, that is, that those who cry _Lord, Lord_, and profess to have _believed_ in his Name, have no Favour to expect on that Account; but declares that 'tis the Practice, or the omitting the Practice of the Duties of Morality, _Feeding the Hungry, cloathing the Naked, visiting the Sick,_ &c. in short, 'tis the Doing or not Doing all the Good that lies in our Power, that will render us the Heirs of Happiness or Misery. T. _But if Faith is of great Use to produce a good Life, why does not Mr._ H. _preach up Faith as well as Morality? _S._ Perhaps it may be this, that as the good Physician suits his Physick to the Disease he finds in the Patient, so Mr. _H_. may possibly think, that though Faith in Christ be properly first preach'd to Heathens and such as are ignorant of the Gospel, yet since he knows that we have been baptized in the Name of Christ, and educated in his Religion, and call'd after his Name, it may not be so immediately necessary to preach _Faith_ to us who abound in it, as _Morality_ in which we are evidently deficient: For our late Want of Charity to each other, our Heart-burnings and Bickerings are notorious. St. _James_ says, _Where Envying and Strife is, there is Confusion and every evil Work:_ and where Confusion and every evil Work is, _Morality_ and Good-will to Men, can, I think, be no unsuitable Doctrine. But surely _Morality_ can do us no harm. Upon a Supposition that we all have Faith in Christ already, as I think we have, where can be the Damage of being exhorted to Good Works? Is Virtue Heresy; and Universal Benevolence False Doctrine, that any of us should keep away from Meeting because it is preached there. T. _Well, I do not like it, and I hope we shall not long be troubled with it. A Commission of the Synod will sit in a short Time, and try this Sort of Preaching. _S._ I am glad to hear that the Synod are to take it into Consideration. There are Men of unquestionable Good Sense as well as Piety among them, and I doubt not but they will, by their Decision, deliver our Profession from the satyrical Reflection, which a few uneasy People of our Congregation have of late given Occasion for, _to wit_, That the _Presbyterians_ are going to persecute, silence and condemn a good Preacher, for exhorting them to be honest and charitable to one another and the rest of Mankind. T. _If Mr._ H. _is a Presbyterian Teacher, he ought to preach as Presbyterians use to preach; or else he may justly be condemn'd and silenc'd by our Church Authority. We ought to abide by the_ Westminster _Confession of Faith; and he that does not, ought not to preach in our Meetings._ _S._ The Apostacy of the Church from the primitive Simplicity of the Gospel, came on by Degrees; and do you think that the Reformation was of a sudden perfect, and that the first Reformers knew at once all that was right or wrong in Religion? Did not _Luther_ at first preach only against selling of Pardons, allowing all the other Practices of the _Romish_ Church for good. He afterwards went further, and _Calvin_, some think, yet further. The Church of _England_ made a Stop, and fix'd her Faith and Doctrine by 39 Articles; with which the Presbyterians not satisfied, went yet farther; but being too self-confident to think, that as their Fathers were mistaken in some Things, they also might be in some others; and fancying themselves infallible in _their_ Interpretations, they also ty'd themselves down by the _Westminster Confession_. But has not a Synod that meets in King GEORGE the Second's Reign, as much Right to interpret Scripture, as one that met in _Oliver_'s Time? And if any Doctrine then maintain'd, is, or shall hereafter be found not altogether orthodox, why must we be for ever confin'd to that, or to any, _Confession_? T. _But if the Majority of the Synod be against any Innovation, they may justly hinder the Innovator from Preaching._ _S._ That is as much as to say, if the Majority of the Preachers be in the wrong, they may justly hinder any Man from setting the People right; for a _Majority_ may be in the wrong as well as the _Minority_, and frequently are. In the beginning of the Reformation, the _Majority_ was vastly against the Reformers, and continues so to this Day; and, if, according to your Opinion, they had a Right to silence the _Minority_, I am sure the _Minority_ ought to have been silent. But tell me, if the _Presbyterians_ in this Country, being charitably enclin'd, should send a Missionary into _Turky_, to propagate the Gospel, would it not be unreasonable in the _Turks_ to prohibit his Preaching? T. _It would, to be sure, because he comes to them for their good._ _S._ And if the _Turks_, believing us in the wrong, as we think them, should out of the same charitable Disposition, send a Missionary to preach _Mahometanism_ to us, ought we not in the same manner to give him free Liberty of preaching his Doctrine? T. _It may be so; but what would you infer from that?_ _S._ I would only infer, that if it would be thought reasonable to suffer a _Turk_ to preach among us a Doctrine diametrically opposite to _Christianity_, it cannot be reasonable to silence one of our own Preachers, for preaching a Doctrine exactly agreeable to _Christianity_, only because he does not perhaps zealously propagate all the Doctrines of an old _Confession_. And upon the whole, though the _Majority_ of the Synod should not in all respects approve of Mr. _H_'s Doctrine, I do not however think they will find it proper to condemn him. We have justly deny'd the Infallibility of the _Pope_ and his _Councils_ and _Synods_ in their Interpretations of Scripture, and can we modestly claim _Infallibility_ for our selves or our _Synods_ in our way of Interpreting? Peace, Unity and Virtue in any Church are more to be regarded than Orthodoxy. In the present weak State of humane Nature, surrounded as we are on all sides with Ignorance and Error, it little becomes poor fallible Man to be positive and dogmatical in his Opinions. No Point of Faith is so plain, as that _Morality_ is our Duty, for all Sides agree in that. A virtuous Heretick shall be saved before a wicked Christian: for there is no such Thing as voluntary Error. Therefore, since 'tis an Uncertainty till we get to Heaven what true Orthodoxy in all points is, and since our Congregation is rather too small to be divided, I hope this Misunderstanding will soon be got over, and that we shall as heretofore unite again in mutual _Christian Charity._ T. _I wish we may. I'll consider of what you've said, and wish you well. _S._ Farewell. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 10, 1735 _Women's Court_ We hear from Chester County, that last Week at a Vendue held there, a Man being unreasonably abusive to his Wife upon some trifling Occasion, the Women form'd themselves into a Court, and order'd him to be apprehended by their Officers and brought to Tryal: Being found guilty he was condemn'd to be duck'd 3 times in a neighbouring Pond, and to have one half cut off, of his Hair and Beard (which it seems he wore at full length) and the Sentence was accordingly executed, to the great Diversion of the Spectators. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 17, 1735 _Advice to a Pretty Creature and Replies_ Mr. _Franklin_, "Pray let the prettiest Creature in this Place know, (by publishing this) That if it was not for her Affectation, she would be absolutely irresistible." _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 20, 1735 _The little Epistle in our last, has produced no less than six, which follow in the order we receiv'd 'em._ Mr. _Franklin_, `I cannot conceive who your Correspondent means by _the prettiest Creature_ in this Place; but I can assure either him or her, that she who is truly so, has no Affectation at all.' _SIR,_ `Since your last Week's Paper I have look'd in my Glass a thousand Times, I believe, in one Day; and if it was not for the Charge of Affectation I might, without Partiality, believe myself the Person meant.' Mr. _Franklin_, `I must own that several have told me, I am the prettiest Creature in this Place; but I believe I shou'd not have been tax'd with Affectation if I cou'd have thought as well of them as they do of themselves.' _SIR,_ `Your Sex calls me pretty; my own affected. Is it from Judgment in the one, or Envy in the other?' Mr. _Franklin_, `They that call me affected are greatly mistaken; for I don't know that I ever refus'd a Kiss to any Body but a Fool.' _Friend Benjamin,_ `I am not at all displeased at being charged with Affectation. Thou know'st the vain People call Decency of Behaviour by that Name.' _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 27, 1735 _A Sea Monster_ From Bermuda, they write, that a Sea Monster has been lately seen there, the upper part of whose Body was in the Shape and about the Bigness of a Boy of 12 Years old, with long black Hair; the lower Part resembled a Fish. He was first seen on shore, and taking to the Water, was pursu'd by People in a Boat, who intended to strike him with a Fishgig; but approaching him, the human Likeness surpris'd them into Compassion, and they had not the Power to do it. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 29, 1736 _The Art of Saying Little in Much_ _Amplification_, or the Art of saying _Little in Much_, seems to be principally studied by the Gentlemen Retainers to the Law. 'Tis highly useful when they are to speak at the Bar; for by its Help, they talk a great while, and appear to say a great deal, when they have really very little to say. But 'tis principally us'd in Deeds and every thing they write. You must abridge their Performances to understand them; and when you find how little there is in a Writing of vast Bulk, you will be as much surpriz'd as a Stranger at the Opening of a _Pumpkin_. It is said, that in the Reign of _William_ the Conqueror, the Conveyance of a large Estate, might be made in about half a dozen short Lines; which was nevertheless in every Respect sufficiently authentick. For several Hundred Years past, Conveyances and Writings in the Law have been continually encreasing in Bulk, and when they will come to their full Growth, no Man knows: For the Rule, _That every thing past and present ought to be express'd, and every thing future provided for_, (tho' one would think a large Writing might be made by it) does not serve to confine us at present; since all those things are not only to be express'd, but may (by the Modern License) be express'd by all the _different Words_ we can think of. Probably the Invention of Printing, which took from the Scribes great Part of their former Employment, put them on the Contrivance of making up by a Multitude of Words, what they wanted in real Business; hence the plain and strong Expression, _shall be his own_, is now swoln into, _shall and may at all Times hereafter forever, and so from time to time, freely, quietly and peaceably, have, hold and enjoy, &c_. The Lawyer, in one of _Steele_'s Comedies, instructs his Pupil, that _Tautology_ is the first, second, and third Parts of his Profession, that is to say, _the whole of it_: And adds, _That he hopes to see the Time, when it will require as much Parchment to convey a Piece of Land as will cover it_. That time perhaps is not far off: For I am told, that the Deeds belonging to the Title of some small Lotts, (which have gone thro' several Hands) are nearly sufficient for the Purpose. But of all the Writings I have ever seen, for the Multiplicity, Variety, Particularity, and prodigious Flow of Expression, none come up to the Petition of _Dermond O Folivey_, an Attorney of the Kingdom of _Ireland_: As the Petition is curious in itself, and may serve as a Precedent for young Clerks, when they would acquire a proper Stile in their Performances, I shall give it to the Publick entire, as follows. To the Right Honourable _Sir William Asten_, Knight, and Lord Judge of Assize of the _Munster_ Circuit. _The humble_ Petition _of_ Dermond O Folivey _a well and most accomplished Gentleman_. `Most humbly, and most submissively, and most obediently, and most dutifully, by shewing, and expressing, and declaring to your Lordship, that whereby, and whereas, and wherein, the most major, and most greater, and most bigger, and the most stronger Part of the most best, and the most ablest, and the most mightiest Sort of the People of the Barony of _Torrough_ and County of _Kerry_, finding, and knowing, and certifying themselves, both hereafter, and the Time past, and now, and then, and at the present time, to be very much oppressed, and distressed, and overcharged in all Taxes, and Quit-rents, and other Levies, and accidental Applotments, and Collections, and Gatherings-together in the Barony of _Torrough_ and County of _Kerry_ aforesaid, And for the future Prevention of all, and every such, henceforth, hereafter, heretofore, and for the time to come, and now, and then, and at this time, and forever, the aforesaid most major, and most bigger, and most better, and most stronger Part of the most best, and most ablest, and most mightiest Sort of the People of _Torrough_ and County of _Kerry_ aforesaid, HATH appointed, nominated, constituted, ordained, declared, elected, and made me Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_ to solicite, and make mention to your Lordship, looking upon me now, and then, and there, and here, the said Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_, to be the fittest, the most mightiest, and the most ablest, and the most best, and the most accomplished, and the most eloquentest Spokesman within the said Barony and County, their granded, and well beloved, and well bestowed, and better merited Agent and Sollicitor, to represent Oppression, and Suppression, and Extortion, for all such, and for all much, and whereof, and whereby, and whereupon, your Petitioner fairly, and finely, and honestly, and ingeniously, and deservedly appointed, nominated, constituted, and ordained, and elected, and approved, and made choice of me the said Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_ as an Agent and Sollicitor, to undergo, and overgo, and under-run, and over-run, and manage this much, big, and mighty Service. `These are therefore to will, and to shall be, now, and then, and there, and at this time, and at the time past, and heretofore, and formerly, and at the present, and forever, the humble, and special, and important, and mighty, and irrefatigable Request of me, your Petitioner and Sollicitor-General aforesaid; THAT your Lordship will be pleased, and satisfied, and resolved, to grant, and give, and deliver, and bestow, upon me Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_, your before recited, and nominated Petitioner and Sollicitor-General aforesaid, an Order and Judgment, and Warrant, and Authority of Preference to my Lord _Kerry_, and Mr. _Henry Punceby_, Esq; and Justice of the Peace and Quorum, or to any four or five or more or less, or either or neither of them, now, and then, and there, and here, and any where, and every where, and somewhere, and no-where, to call and bring, and fetch, and carry, before him, or them, or either of them, or neither, or both, such Party or Parties as they shall imagine, and conceive, and consider, and suppose, and assent, and esteem, and think fit, and meet, and necessary, and decent, and convenient, all, and every, and either, or neither of them, to call, to examine, and call to a strict Account; and that Part, and most Part, Extortion; and then, and there, when, and where, and whether, to establish, and elect, and direct, and impower, and authorize all such, and all much, Bailiffs, and under Receivers, and Collectors and Gatherers-together of Money, as your Petitioner did, or do, or have, or had, or shall, or will, or may, or might, or should, or could, or ought to chuse, or pitch upon with, and punctually to desire my self Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_ that they, them, and these, and every, and either, and neither of them, that shall, and did, and have, and do, and will him in Peace, and Unity, and Amity, and Concord, and Tranquility, henceforth, and for the time to come, and hereafter, and for the time past, and not past, and the time present, and now, and for everlasting; and especially not to molest, or trouble, or hinder, or disturb, or hurt, or meddle with the Petitioner, my self, Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_, in his Possession of 72 Acres of Land in _Gertogolinmore_ in the Barony of _Torrough_ and County of _Kerry_.' Mr. _Dermond O Folivey._ _Given, and granted, and dated, and signed, and sealed by my own Hand and with my own Hand, and for my own Hand, and under my own Hand and Seal this -- Day of -- Anno Dom_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 17, 1736 _The Drinker's Dictionary_ _Nothing more like a Fool than a drunken Man_. Poor Richard. 'Tis an old Remark, that Vice always endeavours to assume the Appearance of Virtue: Thus Covetousness calls itself _Prudence_; _Prodigality_ would be thought _Generosity_; and so of others. This perhaps arises hence, that Mankind naturally and universally approve Virtue in their Hearts, and detest Vice; and therefore, whenever thro' Temptation they fall into a Practice of the latter, they would if possible conceal it from themselves as well as others, under some other Name than that which properly belongs to it. But DRUNKENNESS is a very unfortunate Vice in this respect. It bears no kind of Similitude with any sort of Virtue, from which it might possibly borrow a Name; and is therefore reduc'd to the wretched Necessity of being express'd by distant round-about Phrases, and of perpetually varying those Phrases, as often as they come to be well understood to signify plainly that A MAN IS DRUNK. Tho' every one may possibly recollect a Dozen at least of the Expressions us'd on this Occasion, yet I think no one who has not much frequented Taverns would imagine the number of them so great as it really is. It may therefore surprize as well as divert the sober Reader, to have the Sight of a new Piece, lately communicated to me, entitled The DRINKERS DICTIONARY. A He is Addled, He's casting up his Accounts, He's Afflicted, He's in his Airs. B He's Biggy, Bewitch'd, Block and Block, Boozy, Bowz'd, Been at Barbadoes, Piss'd in the Brook, Drunk as a Wheel-Barrow, Burdock'd, Buskey, Buzzey, Has Stole a Manchet out of the Brewer's Basket, His Head is full of Bees, Has been in the Bibbing Plot, Has drank more than he has bled, He's Bungey, As Drunk as a Beggar, He sees the Bears, He's kiss'd black Betty, He's had a Thump over the Head with Sampson's Jawbone, He's Bridgey. C He's Cat, Cagrin'd, Capable, Cramp'd, Cherubimical, Cherry Merry, Wamble Crop'd, Crack'd, Concern'd, Half Way to Concord, Has taken a Chirriping-Glass, Got Corns in his Head, A Cup to much, Coguy, Copey, He's heat his Copper, He's Crocus, Catch'd, He cuts his Capers, He's been in the Cellar, He's in his Cups, Non Compos, Cock'd, Curv'd, Cut, Chipper, Chickery, Loaded his Cart, He's been too free with the Creature, Sir Richard has taken off his Considering Cap, He's Chap-fallen, D He's Disguiz'd, He's got a Dish, Kill'd his Dog, Took his Drops, It is a Dark Day with him, He's a Dead Man, Has Dipp'd his Bill, He's Dagg'd, He's seen the Devil, E He's Prince Eugene, Enter'd, Wet both Eyes, Cock Ey'd, Got the Pole Evil, Got a brass Eye, Made an Example, He's Eat a Toad & half for Breakfast. In his Element, F He's Fishey, Fox'd, Fuddled, Sore Footed, Frozen, Well in for't, Owes no Man a Farthing, Fears no Man, Crump Footed, Been to France, Flush'd, Froze his Mouth, Fetter'd, Been to a Funeral, His Flag is out, Fuzl'd, Spoke with his Friend, Been at an Indian Feast. G He's Glad, Groatable, Gold-headed, Glaiz'd, Generous, Booz'd the Gage, As Dizzy as a Goose, Been before George, Got the Gout, Had a Kick in the Guts, Been with Sir John Goa, Been at Geneva, Globular, Got the Glanders. H Half and Half, Hardy, Top Heavy, Got by the Head, Hiddey, Got on his little Hat, Hammerish, Loose in the Hilts, Knows not the way Home, Got the Hornson, Haunted with Evil Spirits, Has Taken Hippocrates grand Elixir, I He's Intoxicated, Jolly, Jagg'd, Jambled, Going to Jerusalem, Jocular, Been to Jerico, Juicy. K He's a King, Clips the King's English, Seen the French King, The King is his Cousin, Got Kib'd Heels, Knapt, Het his Kettle. L He's in Liquor, Lordly, He makes Indentures with his Leggs, Well to Live, Light, Lappy, Limber, M He sees two Moons, Merry, Middling, Moon-Ey'd, Muddled, Seen a Flock of Moons, Maudlin, Mountous, Muddy, Rais'd his Monuments, Mellow, N He's eat the Cocoa Nut, Nimptopsical, Got the Night Mare, O He's Oil'd, Eat Opium, Smelt of an Onion, Oxycrocium, Overset, P He drank till he gave up his Half-Penny, Pidgeon Ey'd, Pungey, Priddy, As good conditioned as a Puppy, Has scalt his Head Pan, Been among the Philistines, In his Prosperity, He's been among the Philippians, He's contending with Pharaoh, Wasted his Paunch, He's Polite, Eat a Pudding Bagg, Q He's Quarrelsome, R He's Rocky, Raddled, Rich, Religious, Lost his Rudder, Ragged, Rais'd, Been too free with Sir Richard, Like a Rat in Trouble. S He's Stitch'd, Seafaring, In the Sudds, Strong, Been in the Sun, As Drunk as David's Sow, Swampt, His Skin is full, He's Steady, He's Stiff, He's burnt his Shoulder, He's got his Top Gallant Sails out, Seen the yellow Star, As Stiff as a Ring-bolt, Half Seas over, His Shoe pinches him, Staggerish, It is Star-light with him, He carries too much Sail, Stew'd Stubb'd, Soak'd, Soft, Been too free with Sir John Strawberry, He's right before the Wind with all his Studding Sails out, Has Sold his Senses. T He's Top'd, Tongue-ty'd, Tann'd, Tipium Grove, Double Tongu'd, Topsy Turvey, Tipsey, Has Swallow'd a Tavern Token, He's Thaw'd, He's in a Trance, He's Trammel'd, V He makes Virginia Fence, Valiant, Got the Indian Vapours, W The Malt is above the Water, He's Wise, He's Wet, He's been to the Salt Water, He's Water-soaken, He's very Weary, Out of the Way. The Phrases in this Dictionary are not (like most of our Terms of Art) borrow'd from Foreign Languages, neither are they collected from the Writings of the Learned in our own, but gather'd wholly from the modern Tavern-Conversation of Tiplers. I do not doubt but that there are many more in use; and I was even tempted to add a new one my self under the Letter B, to wit, _Brutify'd_: But upon Consideration, I fear'd being guilty of Injustice to the Brute Creation, if I represented Drunkenness as a beastly Vice, since, 'tis well-known, that the Brutes are in general a very sober sort of People. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, January 13, 1736/7 _Captain Farra_ The same Day arrived Capt.Farra, who has long been given over for lost. In his Voyage from Jamaica hither, he was cast away in Palachee Bay within Cape Florida, among the Cannibal Indians, who were extreamly kind and assisted in saving the Cargo, Rigging, &c. And News of the Wreck coming to Augustine, the Spaniards sent Periagua's and other small Vessels round to take in what was sav'd, and bring it to that Port; where Capt. Farra hir'd a Rhode-Island Sloop to bring it hither. Had this English Vessel been forc'd ashore on the civil, polite, hospitable, christian, protestant Coast of Great-Britain, Query, _Might they have expected kinder Treatment from their own Countrymen?_ _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 2, 1737 _Upon the Talents Requisite in an Almanack-Writer_ _To the Author of the_ Pennsylvania Gazette. _SIR,_ As I am a great Lover of all Works of Ingenuity, and the Authors of them, so more especially am I a great Reader and Admirer of those _Labours of the Learned_, called _ALMANACKS._ As I am a considerable Proficient in this Sort of Learning; and as at this time of the Year, Copies of Almanacks for the next Year usually come to the Press, long before they are wanted: And as I have laid out many a Six-pence among your Customers, the Profit whereof has in a great Measure redounded to you: So I may reasonably hope to be look'd on as a good Customer, and claim a favourable Place in your Paper. I have a large Volume in Manuscript by me, on the Important Subject of _Almanack-making_, which I may in time communicate to the Publick; but at present I am willing to oblige them, with only a Taste of my Skill, which (if I have any Title to the Art of Prognostication) will certainly make them long for the whole. My present Design, is to give to you and the Publick, _a short Essay_, upon the Talents requisite in _an Almanack-Writer_, by which it will plainly appear, how much the Community is indebted to Men of such _great and uncommon Parts and Sagacity_. An _Almanack-Writer_, Sir, should be born one like a Poet; for as I read among the Works of the learned, _Poeta nascitur non fit_; so it is a Maxim with me, that _Almanackorum scriptor nascitur not fit_. Gifts of Nature, Sir, compleated by Rules of Art, are indispensably Necessary to make a great Man this way, as well as any other. The first Thing requisite in an _Almanack-Writer_, is, _That he should be descended of a great Family, and bear a Coat of Arms_, this gives Lustre and Authority to what a Man writes, and makes the common People to believe, that _certainly this is a great Man_. I have known Almanack-Writers so curious and exact in this particular, that they have been at the Expence and Charge of a Wooden Cut in the Frontispiece, with their Arms emblazon'd, and surrounded with a Label, expressing the Name of the Family. This, Sir, made a great Impression, I confess, upon myself and others, and made those Works to go off well. If the Author who was _born to be an Almanack-maker_, has the Misfortune to be meanly descended, but yet, has a true Genius; if he has by him, or can borrow a Book, entitul'd the Peerage of _England_, he may safely borrow a Coat, (if there happens to be a Peer of his own Name) by reason, we are so great a Way distant from the Earl Marshal of that Part of _Great-Britain_ call'd _England_. The next Talent requisite in the forming of _a compleat Almanack-Writer_, is a Sort of Gravity, which keeps a due medium between Dulness and Nonsence, and yet has a Mixture of both. Now you know, Sir, that grave Men are taken by the common People always for wise Men. Gravity is just as good a Picture of Wisdom, as Pertness is of Wit, and therefore very taking. And to compleat an Almanack-maker, in this particular, he shou'd write Sentences, and throw out Hints, that neither himself, nor any Body else can understand or know the Meaning of. And this is also a necessary Talent. I will give you some Instances of this Way of Writing, which are almost inimitable, such as these, _Leeds, Jan_. 23. 1736. _Beware, the Design is suspected_. Feb. 23. _The World is bad with somebody_. Mar. 27. _Crimes not remitted_. April 10. _Cully Mully puff appears_. May 21 _The Sword of Satan is drawn_. June 7. _The Cat eat the Candle_. Now, Sir, Why should the Sword of Satan be drawn to kill the Cat on the 21st Day of _May_, when it plainly appears in Print, that the Cat did not eat the Candle till the 7th of _June_ following? This Question no Man but an Astrologer can possibly answer. In the next Place, I lay it down as a certain Maxim or Position, that _an Almanack-Writer shou'd not be a finish'd Poet, but a Piece of one_, and qualify'd to write, what we vulgarly call Doggerel; and that his Poetry shou'd bear a near Resemblance to his Prose. I must beg _Horace's_ and my Lord _Roscommon's_ Pardon, if I dissent from them in this one particular. I will give you their Rule in my Lord's English Translation, and save myself the Trouble of transcribing the Latin of _Horace_. _But no Authority of Gods nor Men Allow of any Mean in Poesy." This might for all I know be a Rule for Poetry among the Ancients, but the Moderns have found it troublesome, and the most of them, have wholly neglected it for that Reason. Witness the Authors Verses, whose Praise I am now celebrating, _December_ 1736. _Now is my_ 12 _Months Task come to conclusion, _Lord free us from Hatred, Envy and Confusion_. _All are not pleas'd, nor never will i'th' main_. _Fewds and Discords among us will remain_. _Be that as 'twill, however I'm glad to see, Envy disappointed both at Land and Sea_. I do not pretend to say, that this is like the Poetry of _Horace_, or Lord _Roscommon_, but it is the Poesy of an Astrologer; it is his own and not borrowed; It is occult and mysterious. It has a due Degree of that Sort of Gravity, which I have mentioned: In short, it is form'd upon the Rules which I have laid down in this short Essay. I could further prove to you, if I was to go about it, That _an Almanack-Writer_ ought not only to be a Piece of a Wit, but a very Wag; and that he shou'd have the Art also to make People believe, that he is almost a Conjurer, &c. But these Things I reserve for my greater Work, and in the mean time, until that appears, I desire to remain, _Sir,_ _Sept_. 27. 1737. _Your very humble Servant,_ PHILOMATH. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 20, 1737 _The Compassion of Captain Croak_ On the 3d Inst. arrived here the _Rose_, of _London_, Capt. _Croak_ Commander, from whom we have the following Relation, viz. That on the 17th of _June_ last, being on his Voyage from _Newfoundland_ to this Port, and in the Latitude of 41 Deg. N. and 48 Deg. of Longitude, he espied a Sail that made Signals of Distress; whereupon he came up to her, and found her so near Sinking, that he had only just Time to save the Persons belonging to her, (who were to the Number of 61) for he had no sooner taken them on board his own Vessel, but the other foundered in the Sea. The Persons thus providentially saved, informed him: That they were for the most part indented Servants and set Sail from _Cork_ for _Boston_, the 29th of _March_ last, on board the said Vessel, which was called the Speedwell, of which _William Stockdale_ had been Master. That about the 7th of _May_, their Water and Bread beginning to fall short, they were obliged to touch at the Island of St. _Michael_'s, and having lain there at Anchor, about 5 Days, a boisterous and violent Wind, blowing S W (while the Captain and Super-Cargo, and several others belonging to the Vessel were on Shore) forced her out to Sea, leaving her Anchor and Cable behind. That it was 21 Days before she could recover the Island, and being arrived there, which was on a Friday, those on board were informed, that the Master and those before mentioned, to have been left ashore, had set Sail for _Lisbon_ the Friday before, on Board one Capt. _Gillegan_. That thereupon the Persons, who had then the Care of the Vessel, put to Sea in order to proceed on their Voyage to _Boston_. That having met with a hard Gale of Wind, which caused the Vessel's Larboard Quarter to give way, they were obliged to keep two Pumps a going without Intermission, during the Space of three Days, when they most providentially met with the _Rose_, that saved their Lives, which otherwise were inevitably lost. _As it was running a Risque, which few others have cared to do, it was therefore a more remarkable Act of Humanity, in the Commander of the_ Rose, _to take so many additional Mouths on Board, when he had only Provisions for his own Company. This is such an Instance of a laudable Compassion, that it is to be wished it may not be more admired than imitated on the like Occasions. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 10, 1738 _Octuplets_ _Aug_. 5. We hear that the Wife of a Peasant in the District of _Boisleduc_ was brought to Bed of eight Children, seven Girls and one Boy, who were all living. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 24, 1738 _Obadiah Plainman Defends the Meaner Sort_ _To the Author of the Letter in the last_ Pennsylvania _Gazette._ _SIR,_ On my first hearing of the Outcry that was raised against the Paragraph, that related to the shutting up of the Concert Room, _&c_. I immediately called for the _Gazette_; but, tho' I read the Article over and over with the greatest Attention, I was not able to discover in it the least injurious Reflection on the Characters of the Gentlemen concerned. My ill Success, I then attributed to my Stupidity, and concluded that the Abuse, tho' I could not see it, must nevertheless be very perspicuous to the BETTER SORT, otherwise, they would not have made so loud a Complaint against it, as it is publickly known they did, _since it was in the publick Street_. I comforted myself with the Hopes, that, on the Appearance of your Letter, the Mist would have been dispelled from my Eyes. But, I can't help declaring, that, notwithstanding all the Assistance you have furnished me with, the Injury complained of, still remains to me as great a Secret as ever. You tell us _the Paragraph manifestly carries in it an Insinuation,_ that _the Persons concerned in the Concert declin'd meeting, as thinking it inconsistent with the Doctrine of the Christian Religion_. But, with Submission, I think the Paragraph manifestly insinuates the quite contrary. It mentions, that the Gentlemen concerned in the Concert, _&c_. caused the Door to be _broke open_, which was the strongest Evidence that could be given of their Dislike to the Principles on which it had been shut up. Therefore, tho' it immediately follows, that no Company came the last Assembly Night, it was _most unnatural_ to suppose they should so _suddenly_ have changed their Sentiments, and declined their Diversions on any religious Consideration. Let us admit for Argument's Sake (which, otherwise, can by no Means be admitted) that the Words are guilty of the Insinuation, which you are so fond it should be thought they are. Yet, how does it appear that the Characters of the Gentlemen are injured by it? You tell us, _They think so_. But, is that a Reason to induce _Us_ to believe it is _really_ so? Since you have appealed to the _Mob_ as _Judges_ of this IMPORTANT Controversy, I must inform you, that the Assertion (and much less, _the Belief_) of any Man, never passes for Argument at _Our_ impartial Tribunal. For my own Part (I speak with an humble Deference to the rest of my Brethren) I cannot conceive how any Person's Reputation can be prejudiced, tho' it should be reported, that he has left off making of Legs, or cutting of Capers. Perhaps you will object, _that it is not the Fact, but the Motive, which is controverted; That you admit the Company did not meet; but deny, they declined meeting, for the Reason, which,_ as you pretend, _is insinuated in the Gazette_. If this be the true State of the Question, _we_ unanimously pronounce the Accusation to be groundless. In Matters of such a Nature, no Man can judge of your Thoughts but yourself: Therefore, your Denial of the Charge was a sufficient, and indeed the _only_ proper Defence you could make. But you were not contented to stop here, but must needs tell _us_ incoherent Stories of Mr. _Whitefield_ and Mr. _Seward_, and, under Pretence of a Vindication, foist into the News-Paper Invectives against those two Gentlemen. You might with equal Propriety have entertained _Us_ with the History of _Romulus_ and _Remus_, and entituled it "an Argument to prove, that you did not _think_ Dancing, or _idle_ Capering an unchristian Diversion." I hope, Sir, from what I have said, you are now convinced, that you have brought before _Us_ a most _ridiculous_ Complaint against an _imaginary_ Abuse, and consequently you have been all this Time doing nothing more than beating the Air, and _fighting without an Adversary_. In the next Place, I am to reprimand you, Sir, for your disrespectful Behaviour to _Us_, whom you had chosen for your Judges. _We_ take Notice, that you have ranked yourself under the Denomination of the BETTER SORT of People, which is an Expression always made use of in Contradistinction to the _meaner Sort_, _i.e._ the Mob, or the Rabble. Tho' _We_ are not displeased with such Appellations when bestowed on _Us_ by our Friends, yet _We_ have ever regarded them as Terms of outrageous Reproach, when applied to _Us_ by our Enemies; for in this (and so it is in many other Cases) the Words are to receive their Construction from the _known_ Mind of the Speaker: Your _Demosthenes'_ and _Ciceroes_, your _Sidneys_ and _Trenchards_ never approached _Us_ but with Reverence: _The High and Mighty Mob_, _The Majesty of the Rabble_, _The Honour and Dignity of the Populace_, _Or_ such _like_ Terms of Respect, were frequent in their Orations; and what a high Opinion they entertained of the Accuracy of _Our_ Judgment, appears from those elaborate Compositions they addressed to _Us_. They never took upon them to make a Difference of Persons, but as they were distinguished by their Virtues or their Vices. But now our present Scriblers expect our Applause for reviling us to our Faces. They consider us as a stupid Herd, in whom the Light of Reason is extinguished. Hence every impertinent Babler thinks himself qualified to harangue us, without Style, Argument or Justness of Sentiment. Your gross Deficiency in the two latter Particulars I have already given Instances of; and as to your Skill in Language you have furnished _Us_ with the following notable Example: You affirm _That Mr_. Whitefield's _Tenets are mischievous_: Therefore, on that Supposition, it is impossible they should be contemptible; yet, with the same Breath _you assure_ Us, _that you have them in the utmost Contempt_. This is the merriest Gibberish I ever met with. Surely, you have not published it as a Sample of the Stile of those polite Folks, who by their own Authority, _"contrary to Law and Justice, without any previous Application to or Consent first had"_ of their Fellow-Citizens, have usurped the Title of the BETTER SORT. Under these _gentle_ Reprehensions _We_ now dismiss you, hoping you will make a proper Use of them, when you shall judge it _convenient_ to appeal to _Us_ again. _I am, _On Behalf of myself and the Rest of my Brethren of the_ Meaner Sort, Yours, _&c_. OBADIAH PLAINMAN. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 15, 1740 _Obadiah Plainman to Tom Trueman_ _To_ TOM TRUEMAN. _Dear Tommy,_ Tho' there are two Letters addressed to me, one in the _Gazette_, and the other in the _Mercury_; yet, from the near Conformity they bear to one another in Sentiment, Reasoning, and _Similes_, I am apt to conclude they were wrote by the same Hand, _Or_, if by different Persons, that they communicated their Thoughts to one another, and then club'd them together for the Service of the _Public_. On the latter Supposition, it would be unnecessary in my Reply, to regard them as distinct Performances of several Writers; I therefore address myself to you as the Author of both. You tell me you have found out by my Letter, that I imagine myself the Prince and Leader of a mighty People. I wonder how a Genius so penetrating as yours could be led into so gross an Error: For, alas! I am but a poor ordinary Mechanick of this City, obliged to work hard for the Maintenance of myself, my Wife, and several small Children. When my daily Labour is over, instead of going to the Alehouse, I amuse myself with the Books of the Library Company, of which I am an _unworthy_ Member. This Account of my Circumstances, the Meanness of my Education, and my innocent Manner of Life, I hope, will effectually remove those _groundless_ Suspicions, which you seemed to entertain, of my being in a Plot against the State. You are pleased to inform me, that _you are_ But _a young Man, Country-born_. In Return for such an _important_ Discovery, I will let you into another Secret of as great Consequence. -- "Hark in your Ear," _I am_ But _an old Man not Country-born_. In Respect of Soil, I presume neither of us will pretend to any Superiority; but the Pre-eminence being on my Side in Regard to my Age, I shall make Use of that Privilege to _Document_ you a little. I shall first consider the argumentative Part of your Letter in the Gazette. You there assert, _that from the first Facts alledged in the Paragraph, supposing nothing more said, a Stranger would unquestionably imagine that the Rooms were shut up by the Owners_. This Assertion is granted you, _because_ you are so kind to allow that It is absolutely _destroyed_ by the Remainder of the Article; which says, _the Gentlemen caused the Door to be broke open again_. Thus far we have travelled, thro' the Construction of the Paragraph, with a mutual Agreement, and a wonderful Satisfaction on both Sides. But now you ask, _What does the Author mean by informing the World that no Company came the,_ then, _last Assembly Night?_ Ay, what does he mean? This is the "plaguy" Difficulty that has so _strangely puzzled_, and which still seems to _continue_ to puzzle the _Better Sort_. You are however sure, for your Part, that his Words must be intended to signify _Something_ or _NOTHING_. As I shall always be ready to gratify you, when I can do it safely, I agree to your latter Alternative. But then, how can those Words which, on your own Concession, mean NOTHING, carry in them the _Insinuation_ you contend for, or any Insinuation at all. This notwithstanding, you think yourself so absolutely certain of the Truth of your Consequence, that one would imagine you were ready to take your corporal Oath of it, when required, tho' you acknowledge there is not the _least Shadow_ of any Premises from which it can be deduced. This is such strange Reasoning, that _doubtless, it has been reserved to this Time, solely,_ dear _Tommy,_ for a Head so singularly clear and logical as yours. You desire I would show the World the Interpretation the Words will bear. Your Request, my dear Child, is contrary to all Laws of Argument, and therefore (tho' I am heartily sorry it should happen so) I cannot comply with your Desire. If you advance an Assertion, it is at your own Peril to support it with Proofs, which if you fail in, every one has a Right to _reject it as false_. In my first I did not give any Construction of the Paragraph, for my Business was to defend it from the Insinuation with which it unjustly stood accused; and therefore, from the Gentlemen's declared Dislike of Mr. _Whitefield_'s Principles, I inferred it was unnatural to suppose they should so suddenly have changed their Sentiments. Against this Defence you object, _that the_ Followers of Mr. _Whitefield_ would naturally believe so sudden a Conversion. Now, that They should be capable of _Thinking_ so, whom, in the first Colume of the _Gazette_, you regard as _irrational_ Creatures, and, consequently, destitute of the Faculty of _Thinking_, is to me quite incomprehensible. I now proceed to your Complaint of the gross Misrepresentation, as you imagine, of the Meaning of the Words, _Better Sort_, in your first Letter. That _notable_ Epistle was published as the Sentiments of the whole Company concerned in the Concert. Therefore (whether the Fact be so or not; for that is entirely out of the Question) I had NO RIGHT to consider it, but as Theirs, nor Them in any other Light than as they there appeared, namely as Part of the _People_, which always signifies the Governed, or _private Persons_. Tho' the Stile be in the third Person, yet, without any Prejudice to the Sense, it may be changed to the first, and then it will run thus, _We think our Characters injured by the Paragraph, as tho' Mr_. Whitefield _had met with great Success among us the_ BETTER SORT _of People of Pennsilvania_. This Case has no Manner of Resemblance to those which you have put, of Boys at Bandy-Wicket, young Fellows at Foot-Ball, Magistrates on the Bench, Quakers with their Hats on, or the Library Company with their Hats off or on, for all those Persons are said to be OF the _Better Sort_, which does not exclude others from the same Rank. But the Denomination of _Better Sort_ in your first Letter (where the Particle _of_, as applied in the latter Cases, cannot be found) is evidently engrossed by Those who, with such a commendable Modesty, bestowed it on themselves. Now when private Persons publickly stile themselves, exclusively of all others, the BETTER SORT of People of the Province, can it be doubted but that they look on the Rest of their Fellow Subjects in the same Government with Contempt, and consequently regard them as Mob and Rabble. For so gross an Insult on the People in general, I endeavoured (but without respecting any Party in particular, as you groundlessly insinuate) to turn the Writer into Ridicule; and therefore made Use of the Words Mob and Rabble, to expose him more effectually; but with very different Ideas annexed to them in my Mind (of which I was careful to give Notice) from those they receive, when deduced from that extraordinary Epistle. In my Animadversions on it I personated the Public, which you charge as a Crime, tho' it is an allowed Figure in Speech, frequently used, and particularly by those great Assertors of _Public Liberty_, whose Names I mentioned at the Time. I imagined my Design lay so apparently on the Surface, that you could not have overlooked it. However, I am far from imitating the Example you have set me, and shall not attribute your Mistake of my Intentions, to an impenetrable Stupidity; but I fairly place it on the Obscurity of my Stile. This, dear _Tommy_, will be esteem'd a very liberal Concession, by those who consider your Unskilfulness in Language. You have not, by your Answer, mended the Blunder I remarked in your first: Your saying, that the same Person may be both mischievous and contemptible, is nothing to the Purpose; for you must regard him in different Views before you can properly affirm so differently of him: But Mr. _Whitefield_'s Doctrine you represented simply as mischievous, and, under that Appearance only, you pronounced it the Object of your Contempt. It seems as if you would rather have it believed a Fault in Sentiment than Language: So you admit you understood the Word, but charge the wrong Application of it, to the Defect of your Judgment. In my poor Opinion, you gain nothing by the Change, to furnish Matter of Triumph. Tho' your Absurdities and Mistakes are such, that no Writer was ever guilty of before; yet, I question not, but you will inform the World in your next, as you did in your last, that my Animadversions on them are only _Extracts out of other Men's Works,_ viz. _those of the Party-Writers in_ England. I have, more than once, told you, that no Man has a Right to bring an Accusation before the Publick, without bringing his _Proofs_ along with it. You have confined your Evidence, which is to support this Charge, to the Party-Writers of _Great Britain_. I will not limit you to them, but shall admit, that there is a _Possibility_ of its being true, if you can produce any Author, of any Age or Country, that ever was engaged in a Controversy _of the like Nature_ with Ours. The Paragraph in Dispute contains but five Lines. The Insinuation, deduced from it in your first, is also comprized within five; in your second it takes up fifteen; I _hope_ I shall live to see the Day, when It shall have swelled to a large Volume in Folio: For so useful and edifying a Work, as that is likely to be, must redound to the immortal Honour of that IMPORTANT Article of News, in the Reputation and Defence of which I am so _deeply_ interested. As to the PERSONAL SCANDAL, in both your Letters, it is a Commodity I never deal in; and therefore, cannot make you any Return for those _flagrant_ UNMERITED _Civilities_, which I have received from your _polite_ Hand. However, if you think that such delicate _genteel_ Touches of Raillery will be of any Service to you, in the farther Prosecution of this _worthy_ Argument, I shall be far from objecting against your Use of them. And so, _my dear_ Tommy, _for the present_, _I bid you heartily Farewell_. OBADIAH PLAINMAN. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 29, 1740 _Religious Mood in Philadelphia_ During the Session of the _Presbyterian_ Synod, which began on the 28th of the last Month, and continued to the third of this Instant, there were no less than 14 Sermons preached on _Society-Hill_ to large Audiences, by the Rev. Messrs. the _Tennents_, Mr. _Davenport_, Mr. _Rowland_ and Mr. _Blair_, besides what were deliver'd at the _Presbyterian_ and _Baptist_ Meetings, and Expoundings and Exhortations in private Houses. The Alteration in the Face of Religion here is altogether surprizing. Never did the People show so great a Willingness to attend Sermons, nor the Preachers greater Zeal and Diligence in performing the Duties of their Function. Religion is become the Subject of most Conversations. No Books are in Request but those of Piety and Devotion; and instead of idle Songs and Ballads, the People are every where entertaining themselves with Psalms, Hymns and Spiritual Songs. All which, under God, is owing to the successful Labours of the Reverend Mr. _Whitefield_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 12, 1740 _Statement of Editorial Policy_ It is a Principle among Printers, that when Truth has fair Play, it will always prevail over Falshood; therefore, though they have an undoubted Property in their own Press, yet they willingly allow, that any one is entitled to the Use of it, who thinks it necessary to offer his Sentiments on disputable Points to the Publick, and will be at the Expence of it. If what is thus publish'd be good, Mankind has the Benefit of it: If it be bad (I speak now in general without any design'd Application to any particular Piece whatever) the more 'tis made publick, the more its Weakness is expos'd, and the greater Disgrace falls upon the Author, whoever he be; who is at the same Time depriv'd of an Advantage he would otherwise without fail make use of, _viz_. of Complaining, _that Truth is suppress'd, and that he could say MIGHTY MATTERS, had he but the Opportunity of being heard._ The Printers of this City have been unjustly reflected on, as if they were under some undue Influence, and guilty of great Partiality in favour of the Preaching lately admir'd among us, so as to refuse Printing any Thing in Opposition to it, how just or necessary soever. A Reflection entirely false and groundless, and without the least Colour of Fact to support it; which all will be convinc'd of when they see the following Piece from one Press, and the Rev. Mr. _Cummings_'s Sermons against the Doctrines themselves, from the other. _Englishmen_ thought it an intolerable Hardship, when (tho' by an Act of their own Parliament) Thoughts, which should be free, were fetter'd and confin'd, and an Officer was erected over the Nation, call'd _a Licenser of the Press_, without whose Consent no Writing could be publish'd. Care might indeed be taken in the Choice of this Officer, that he should be a Man of great Understanding, profound Learning, and extraordinary Piety; yet, as the greatest and best of Men may have _some_ Errors, and have been often found averse to _some_ Truths, it was justly esteem'd a National Grievance, that the People should have Nothing to read but the Opinions, or what was agreeable to the Opinions of _ONE MAN_. But should every petty Printer (who, if he can read his Hornbook, may be thought to have Learning enough to qualify him for his own Sphere) presume to erect himself into an Officer of this kind, and arbitrarily decide what ought and what ought not to be published, much more justly might the World complain. 'Tis true, where Invectives are contain'd in any Piece, there is no good-natur'd Printer but had much rather be employ'd in Work of another kind: However, tho' many personal Reflections be interwoven in the following Performance, yet as the Author _(who has subscrib'd his Name)_ thought them necessary, to vindicate his own Conduct and Character, it is therefore hoped, on that Consideration, the Reader will excuse the Printer for publishing them. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 24, 1740 _Essay on Paper-Currency, Proposing a New Method for Fixing Its Value_ _To the Author of the_ GENERAL MAGAZINE. It appears by the Resolutions of the Honourable the House of Commons of _Great Britain_, that it is their Opinion, that the Issuing Paper Currencies in the _American_ Colonies hath been prejudicial to the Trade of _Great Britain_, by causing a Confusion in Dealings, and lessening of Credit in those Parts; and that there is Reason to apprehend, that some Measures will be fallen upon, to hinder or restrain any future Emissions of such Currencies, when those that are now extant shall be called in and sunk. But if any Scheme could be formed, for fixing and ascertaining the Value of Paper Bills of Credit, in all future Emissions, it may be presumed such Restraints will be taken off, as the Confusion complained of in Dealings would thereby be avoided. Something of this Kind is here attempted, in hopes that it may be improved into a useful Project. But I shall first set down a few plain Remarks touching the Fluctuation of Exchange, and the Value of Gold and Silver in the Colonies; with some Observations on the Ballance of Trade; in order to render what follows the more clear and intelligible. I. Every particular Man, that is concerned in Trade, whose Imports and Exports are not exactly equal, must either _draw_ Bills of Exchange on other Countries, or _buy_ Bills to send abroad to ballance his Accounts. II. The Exports and Imports in any Colony, may be managed by different Hands, and the Number of those chiefly imployed in the latter may greatly exceed the Number of those imployed in the former. Hence it is evident there may sometimes be many Buyers and few Sellers of Bills of Exchange, even whilst the Exports may exceed in Value the Imports: And it is easy to conceive, that in this Case, Exchange may rise. III. The _British_ Merchants, who trade to the Colonies, are often unacquainted with the Advantages that may be made by building of Ships there, or by the Commodities of those Colonies carried to the _West-Indies_, or to Foreign Markets: And for that Reason, frequently order all their Remittances in Bills of Exchange, tho' less advantageous; which must encrease the Demand for Bills, and enhance the Price of them. IV. A great Demand in _Europe_ for any of the Commodities of the Colonies, and large Orders for those Commodities from the _British_ Merchants to their Factors here, with Directions to draw for the Value, may occasion Exchange to fall for a Time, even tho' the Imports should be greater than the Exports. V. Hence it appears, that a sudden great Demand for Bills in the Colonies, may, at any time, advance the Exchange; and a sudden great Demand abroad for their Commodities may fall the Exchange. VI. Gold and Silver will always rise and fall, very near in Proportion as Exchange rises and falls; being only wanted, in those Colonies that have a Paper Currency, for the same Use as Bills of Exchange, _viz._ for Remittances to _England_. VII. When few People can draw on _England_, or furnish those who want Remittances with Gold or Silver, Paper Currency may fall with respect to Sterling-Money and Gold and Silver, (by which the _British_ Merchants always judge of it) and yet keep up to its original Value in Respect to all other Things. VIII. From all these Considerations, I think, it appears that the Rising or Falling of the Exchange can be no sure Rule for Discovering on which Side the Ballance of Trade lies; because that Exchange may be affected by various Accidents independent thereof. But in order to determine this Point with more Certainty, it should be considered; IX. That whatever is imported, must, first or last, be paid for in the Produce or Manufactures of the Country: If the Commodities exported in one Year be not sufficient to pay for what is imported, the Deficiency must be made up by exporting more in succeeding Years; otherwise the Colony becomes Debtor for so much as the Deficiency is; which at last must be discharged (if it is ever discharged) by their Lands. X. If this has been the Case with any Colony; or if the Debt of the Colony to _Great Britain_ has been increasing for several Years successively, it is a Demonstration that the Ballance of Trade is against them: But on the Contrary, if the Debt to _Great Britain_ is lessening yearly, or not increasing, it is as evident, that the Ballance of Trade is not against them; notwithstanding the Currency of that Colony may be falling gradually all the while. I shall now proceed to the Scheme for fixing the Value of a Paper Currency, _viz_. XI. Let it be supposed, that in some one of the Colonies the Sum of 110,000 in Bills of Credit was proposed to be struck, and all other Currencies to be called in and destroyed; and that 133 _l_. 6 _s_. 8 _d_. in these Bills should be equivalent to 100 _l_. Sterling; which likewise would make the said Bills equal to Foreign Coins, at the Rates settled by the Act of Parliament made in the Sixth Year of Queen Anne_. At which Rate, according to this Scheme, it may be as well settled as at any other. XII. Let _One Hundred Thousand Pounds_ be emitted on Loan, upon good Securities, either in Land or Plate, according to the Method used in _Pensylvania_, the Borrowers to pay _Five per Cent per Annum_ Interest, together with a _Twentieth_ Part of the Principal, which would give the Government an Opportunity of sinking it by Degrees, if any Alteration in the Circumstances of the Province should make it necessary: But if no such Necessity appeared, so much of the Principal as should be paid in, might be re-emitted on the same Terms as before. XIII. The other _Ten Thousand_ Pounds to be laid out in such Commodities as should be most likely to yield a Profit at Foreign Markets, to be ship'd off on Account of the Colony, in order to raise a Fund or Bank in _England_: Which Sum, so laid out, would in two Years time, be returned into the Office again by the Interest Money. XIV. The Trustees or Managers of this Bank to be impowered and directed to supply all Persons that should apply to them, with Bills of Exchange, to be drawn on the Colony's Banker in _London_, at the aforesaid Rate of 133 _l_. 6 _s_. 8 _d_. of the said Bills of Credit for 100 _l_. Sterling. The Monies thus brought in, to be laid out again as before, and replaced in _England_ in the said Bank with all convenient Speed: And as these provincial Bills would have, at least, as good a Credit as those of any private Person; every Man, who had occasion to draw, would, of Course, be obliged to dispose of his Bills at the same Rate. XV. It is by Means of this Bank, that it is proposed to regulate the Rate of Exchange; and therefore it would be necessary to make it so large, or procure the Trustees such a Credit in _London_, as should discourage and prevent any mischievous Combinations for draining it and rendering the Design useless. I know of no Inconvenience that could arise by allotting double the proposed Sum for that Service, but that the annual Interest would be lessen'd; which in some Governments has been found a useful Engine for defraying the publick Expence. But if only a Credit should be thought needful, over and above the said Sum, and upon some Emergency Recourse should be had to it, the Interest-Money would soon afford sufficient Means for answering that Credit. XVI. The Trustees might further be impowered and directed, to take in Foreign Coins, at the Rates prescribed by the Act of Parliament, from those who wanted to change them for Paper Currency, and to exchange for those who wanted Gold and Silver. This, it is imagined, might reduce those Coins again to a Currency, which now are only bought and sold as a Commodity. Or, if it should be judged more advantageous to the Credit of the Paper-Currency, Part of the Proceeds of what should be sent abroad, might be returned to the Province in Gold and Silver, for creating a Fund here. XVII. I hope it will appear upon examining into the Circumstances of the Paper-Money-Colonies, by the Rule proposed above, that the Ballance of Trade has not been so much against them as is commonly imagined; but that the Fall of their Currencies, with Respect to Sterling, and to Gold and Silver, has been chiefly occasioned either by some such Accidents as are above shewed to influence it; which by this Scheme will be all prevented: Or to their being issued without any good Foundation for supporting their Credit, such as a Land Security, _&c_. However that be, I think, there can be no room, upon our Plan, to fear, that the Credit of the Paper-Currency can be injur'd, even though the Ballance of Trade were against the Colony, while their Bank in _London_ can be duely supported. From the sad Consequence of a losing Trade, _viz_. that of having the Property of the Lands transferr'd to another Country, it appears absolutely necessary for every Colony, that finds or suspects that to be its own Case, to think timely of all proper Means for preventing it; such as encouraging Iron-Works, Ship-building, raising and manufacturing of Hemp and Flax, and all other Manufactures not prohibited by their Mother Country. They might likewise save considerable Sums, which are now sent to _England_, by setting up and establishing an Insurance-Office. This, I think, might effectually be done by an Act of Assembly for impowering the Trustees of the Loan-Office to subscribe all Policies that should be brought to them, on such Terms as should be settled by the said Trustees jointly with a Committee of Assembly, at a Meeting for that Purpose, once a Month, or oftner if necessary. Besides the saving to the Country in the Article of Trade, it would probably yield a considerable yearly Income towards the Support of Government; it being evident, that most prudent Insurers are great Gainers upon the Whole of their Insurances, after all Losses are deducted. Upon the Execution of this Scheme, I am persuaded, two very great Advantages must accrue; _First_, That the Export would be increased, and consequently bring the Ballance of Trade more in favour of the Province: And, _Secondly_, that the Rate of Exchange would be fixed and ascertained; which, 'tis hoped, would effectually remove the Prejudices which the Merchants in _England_ seem to have conceived against a Paper Currency in the Colonies. _The General Magazine_, February, 1741 _Letter from Theophilus, Relating to the Divine Prescience_ _To the Author of the_ GENERAL MAGAZINE. SIR, There is a Question in the Schools, and I think generally resolved in the Affirmative; _Whether God concurs with all human Actions or not?_ That is, Whether he be the principal efficient Cause of every Action we produce? This Question, I say, is generally resolved in the Affirmative: And the _Reason_ they give is this; _Because,_ say they, _if God did not concur with every Action that's produc'd, then there would be an Action, and consequently some Being, independent of God, which is absurd: Therefore,_ &c. It hath been the Opinion of many great and learned Men, that second Causes have no proper Activity of their own; but that God acts directly and immediately in them and by them; that he produces all the Acts of Thinking, and all the Volitions or Acts of Willing; and that he has from all Eternity decreed, _That he will do with such and such a Creature, at such a Time, such and such Acts;_ which shall _infallibly_ come to pass, the contrary whereof could not fall out from any Principle in the Creature; that the Creature neither can nor ought to have any thing real, nor positively do any Act but what God produces in it. There is no Possibility, they think, of defending the Doctrine of the _Divine Prescience_, if this be deny'd. For nothing can be foreknown that is contingent in its own Nature; but every Action depending upon the Will of an Agent, left at Liberty to do as it pleases, is contingent, _i. e._ it may or may not happen, and therefore cannot be foreknown: For when any Being knows that a Thing will be, it must be, otherwise it could not be an Object of Knowledge: It is absolutely impossible to know, that any Event _will_ come to pass, that _may not_ come to pass. So that whoever denies God's immediate Concourse with every Action we produce, must of Consequence deny God's Foreknowledge. I should be glad therefore to see some Remarks made upon this Subject; and knowing of no better Method to invite some proper Person to undertake it, I make bold to desire you to insert the Contents hereof in the _General Magazine_ for the Month of _March_, and you will oblige _Your constant Reader, and most humble Servant,_ THEOPHILUS. _The General Magazine_, March, 1741 _Obituary of Andrew Hamilton_ On the 4th Instant, died ANDREW HAMILTON, Esq; and was the next Day inter'd at _Bush-Hill_, his Country Seat. His Corps was attended to the Grave by a great Number of his Friends, deeply affected with their own, but more with their Country's Loss. He lived not without Enemies: For, as he was himself open and honest, he took pains to unmask the Hypocrite, and boldly censured the Knave, without regard to Station and Profession. Such, therefore, may exult at his Death. He steadily maintained the Cause of Liberty; and the Laws made, during the time he was Speaker of the Assembly, which was many Years, will be a lasting Monument of his Affection to the People, and of his Concern for the welfare of this Province. He was no Friend to Power, as he had observed an ill use had been frequently made of it in the Colonies; and therefore was seldom upon good Terms with Governors. This Prejudice, however, did not always determine his Conduct towards them; for where he saw they meant well, he was for supporting them honourably, and was indefatigable in endeavouring to remove the Prejudices of others. He was long at the Top of his Profession here, and had he been as griping as he was knowing and active, he might have left a much greater Fortune to his Family than he has done: But he spent more Time in hearing and reconciling Differences in private, to the Loss of his Fees, than he did in pleading Causes at the Bar. He was just, where he sat as a Judge; and tho' he was stern and severe in his Manner, he was compassionate in his Nature, and very slow to punish. He was the Poor Man's Friend, and was never known to with-hold his Purse or Service from the Indigent or Oppressed. He was a tender Husband and a fond Parent: But -- these are Virtues which Fools and Knaves have sometimes in common with the Wise and the Honest. His free Manner of treating Religious Subjects, gave Offence to many, who, if a Man may judge by their Actions, were not themselves much in earnest. He feared God, loved Mercy, and did Justice: If he could not subscribe to the Creed of any particular Church, it was not for want of considering them All; for he had read much on Religious Subjects. He went through a tedious Sickness with uncommon Chearfulness, Constancy and Courage. Nothing of affected Bravery or Ostentation appeared; But such a Composure and Tranquility of Mind, as results from the Reflection of a Life spent agreeable to the best of a Man's Judgment. He preserved his Understanding and his Regard for his Friends to the last Moment. What was given as a Rule for a Poet, upon another Occasion, may be justly apply'd to Him upon this, ------ _Servetur ad imum Qualis ab incepto processerit, & sibi constet._ _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 6, 1741 _Obituary of James Merrewether_ On Sunday last died after a short Illness, JAMES MERREWETHER, a Person somewhat obscure, and of an unpromising Appearance, but esteem'd by those few who enjoy'd an Intimacy with him, to be one of the honestest, best, and wisest Men in Philadelphia. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 22, 1742 _I Sing My Plain Country Joan_ Poor RICHARD's Description of his Country WIFE JOAN. _A_ SONG -- TUNE, _The Hounds are all out_. 1. Of their _Chloes_ and _Phyllises_ Poets may prate, I will sing my plain COUNTRY JOAN; Twice twelve Years my Wife, still the Joy of my Life: Bless'd Day that I made her my own, _My dear Friends._ Bless'd Day that I made her my own. 2. Not a Word of her Shape, or her Face, or her Eyes, Of Flames or of Darts shall you hear: Though I BEAUTY admire, 'tis VIRTUE I prize, Which fades not in seventy Years. 3. In Health a Companion delightful and gay, Still easy, engaging, and free; In Sickness no less than the faithfullest Nurse, As tender as tender can be. 4. In Peace and good Order my Houshold she guides, Right careful to save what I gain; Yet chearfully spends, and smiles on the Friends I've the Pleasure to entertain. 5. Am I laden with Care, she takes off a large Share, That the Burden ne'er makes me to reel; Does good Fortune arrive, the Joy of my Wife Quite doubles the Pleasure I feel. 6. She defends my good Name, even when I'm to blame, Friend firmer to Man ne'er was given: Her compassionate Breast feels for all the distress'd, Which draws down the Blessings of Heaven. 7. In Raptures the giddy Rake talks of his Fair, Enjoyment will make him despise. I speak my cool Sense, which long Exper'ence And Acquaintance has chang'd in no Wise. 8. The Best have some Faults, and so has My JOAN, But then they're exceedingly small, And, now I'm us'd to 'em, they're so like my own, I scarcely can feel them at all. 9. Was the fairest young Princess, with Millions in Purse, To be had in Exchange for My JOAN, She could not be a better Wife, might be a worse, So I'll stick to My JUGGY alone, _A Proposal for Promoting Useful Knowledge Among the British Plantations in America_ The _English_ are possess'd of a long Tract of Continent, from _Nova Scotia_ to _Georgia_, extending North and South thro' different Climates, having different Soils, producing different Plants, Mines and Minerals, and capable of different Improvements, Manufactures, _&c._ The first Drudgery of Settling new Colonies, which confines the Attention of People to mere Necessaries, is now pretty well over; and there are many in every Province in Circumstances that set them at Ease, and afford Leisure to cultivate the finer Arts, and improve the common Stock of Knowledge. To such of these who are Men of Speculation, many Hints must from time to time arise, many Observa-tions occur, which if well-examined, pursued and improved, might produce Discoveries to the Advantage of some or all of the _British_ Plantations, or to the Benefit of Mankind in general. But as from the Extent of the Country such Persons are widely separated, and seldom can see and converse or be acquainted with each other, so that many useful Particulars remain uncommunicated, die with the Discoverers, and are lost to Mankind; it is, to remedy this Inconvenience for the future, proposed, That One Society be formed of Virtuosi or ingenious Men residing in the several Colonies, to be called _The American Philosophical Society_; who are to maintain a constant Correspondence. That _Philadelphia_ being the City nearest the Centre of the Continent-Colonies, communicating with all of them northward and southward by Post, and with all the Islands by Sea, and having the Advantage of a good growing Library, be the Centre of the Society. That at _Philadelphia_ there be always at least seven Members, _viz_. a Physician, a Botanist, a Mathematician, a Chemist, a Mechanician, a Geographer, and a general Natural Philosopher, besides a President, Treasurer and Secretary. That these Members meet once a Month, or oftner, at their own Expence, to communicate to each other their Observations, Experiments, _&c._ to receive, read and consider such Letters, Communications, or Queries as shall be sent from distant Members; to direct the Dispersing of Copies of such Communications as are valuable, to other distant Members, in order to procure their Sentiments thereupon, _&c._ That the Subjects of the Correspondence be, All new-discovered Plants, Herbs, Trees, Roots, _&c._ their Virtues, Uses, _&c._ Methods of Propagating them, and making such as are useful, but particular to some Plantations, more general. Improvements of vegetable Juices, as Cyders, Wines, _&c_. New Methods of Curing or Preventing Diseases. All new-discovered Fossils in different Countries, as Mines, Minerals, Quarries, _&c_. New and useful Improvements in any Branch of Mathematicks. New Discoveries in Chemistry, such as Improvements in Distillation, Brewing, Assaying of Ores, _&c_. New Mechanical Inventions for saving Labour; as Mills, Carriages, _&c_. and for Raising and Conveying of Water, Draining of Meadows, _&c_. All new Arts, Trades, Manufactures, _&c_. that may be proposed or thought of. Surveys, Maps and Charts of particular Parts of the Sea-coasts, or Inland Countries; Course and Junction of Rivers and great Roads, Sit-uation of Lakes and Mountains, Nature of the Soil and Productions, _&c_. New Methods of Improving the Breed of useful Animals; Introducing other Sorts from foreign Countries. New Improvements in Planting, Gardening, Clearing Land, _&c_. And all philosophical Experiments that let Light into the Nature of Things, tend to increase the Power of Man over Matter, and multiply the Conveniencies or Pleasures of Life. That a Correspondence already begun by some intended Members, shall be kept up by this Society with the ROYAL SOCIETY of _London_, and with the DUBLIN SOCIETY. That every Member shall have Abstracts sent him Quarterly, of every Thing valuable communicated to the Society's Secretary at _Philadelphia_; free of all Charge except the Yearly Payment hereafter mentioned. That by Permission of the Postmaster-General, such Communications pass between the Secretary of the Society and the Members, Postage-free. That for defraying the Expence of such Experiments as the Society shall judge proper to cause to be made, and other contingent Charges for the common Good, every Member send a Piece of Eight _per Annum_ to the Treasurer, at _Philadelphia_, to form a Common Stock, to be disburs'd by Order of the President with the Consent of the Majority of the Members that can conveniently be consulted thereupon, to such Persons and Places where and by whom the Experiments are to be made, and otherwise as there shall be Occasion; of which Disbursements an exact Account shall be kept, and communicated yearly to every Member. That at the first Meetings of the Members at _Philadelphia_, such Rules be formed for Regulating their Meetings and Transactions for the General Benefit, as shall be convenient and necessary; to be afterwards changed and improv'd as there shall be Occasion, wherein due Regard is to be had to the Advice of distant Members. That at the End of every Year, Collections be made and printed, of such Experiments, Discoveries, Improvements, _&c_. as may be thought of publick Advantage: And that every Member have a Copy sent him. That the Business and Duty of the Secretary be, To receive all Letters intended for the Society, and lay them before the President and Members at their Meetings; to abstract, correct and methodize such Papers, _&c_. as require it, and as he shall be directed to do by the President, after they have been considered, debated and digested in the Society; to enter Copies thereof in the Society's Books, and make out Copies for distant Members; to answer their Letters by Direction of the President, and keep Records of all material Transactions of the Society, _&c_. _Benjamin Franklin_, the Writer of this Proposal, offers himself to serve the Society as their Secretary, 'till they shall be provided with one more capable. _Philadelphia, May_ 14. 1743. Philadelphia, broadside, 1743 _Apology for the Young Man in Goal_ _An_ Apology _for the young Man in Goal, and in Shackles, for ravishing an old Woman of_ 85 _at_ Whitemarsh, _who had only one Eye, and that a red one_. Unhappy Youth, that could not longer stay, Till by old Age thy Choice had dy'd away; A few Days more had given to thy Arms, Free from the Laws, her aged Lump of Charms, Which, tho' defunct, might feel not less alive Than we imagine Maids of Eighty-five; Or hadst thou staid till t'other Eye was gone, Thou mightst have lov'd and jogg'd securely on. Yet may thy Council urge this prudent Plea, That by one Crime, thou has avoided three; For had a Mare or Sow attack'd thy Love, No human Form to save thy Life would move; Or had thy Lust been offer'd to a Male, All Vindications would and ought to fail; Or hadst thou sought a blooming Virgin's Rape, Thou shouldst not from the Penalty escape: But when the Object is long past her Flow'r, And brings no County-Charge, and wants no Dow'r; Who, slighted all her Life, would fain be ravish'd, Thou shouldst be pity'd for thy Love so lavish'd. _The American Weekly Mercury_, September 15, 1743 _An Over-Masted Privateer_ Sunday last the Tartar, Capt. Mackey, sail'd down the Bay in order to proceed on his Cruise, but being (as 'tis said) over-masted, and not well ballasted, she was unfortunately overset, by a slight Flaw of Wind, near the Capes, and sunk immediately in about 8 Fathom Water. The Captain with about 60 Officers and Seamen were saved in her Long-boat, and went ashore at the Cape; 14 were taken up by Capt. Plasket in a Pilot Boat; and Capt. Claes, who was coming in from Barbadoes, ran his Vessel near the Ship, and took up 47. The rest perished. 'Tis expected she will soon be weigh'd, and with some Alterations, fitted out again, as she is a most extraordinary Sailor; so that we hope our Enemies will hardly hear of the Misfortune, before they find they have no great Reason to rejoice at it. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 5, 1744 _American Privateers_ 'Tis computed that there are and will be before Winter 113 Sail of Privateers at Sea, from the _British American_ Colonies; most of them stout Vessels and abundantly well mann'd. A Naval Force, equal (some say) to that of the Crown of _Great-Britain_ in the Time of Queen _Elizabeth_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 30, 1744 _Account of Louisburgh_ As the _CAPE-BRETON_ Expedition is at present the Subject of most Conversations, we hope the following Draught (rough as it is, for want of good Engravers here) will be acceptable to our Readers; as it may serve to give them an Idea of the Strength and Situation of the Town now besieged by our Forces, and render the News we receive from thence more intelligible. EXPLANATION. 1. The Island Battery, at the Mouth of the Harbour, mounting 34 Guns, ------ Pounders. This Battery can rake Ships PLAN of the Town and Harbour of _LOUISBURGH_. fore and aft before they come to the Harbour's Mouth, and take them in the Side as they are passing in. 2. The Grand Battery, of 36 Forty-two Pounders, planted right against the Mouth of the Harbour, and can rake Ships fore and aft as they enter. 3. The Town N. East Battery, which mounts 18 Twenty-four Pounders on two Faces, which can play on the Ships as soon as they have entered the Harbour. 4. The Circular Battery, which mounts 16 Twenty four Pounders, stands on high Ground, and overlooks all the Works. This Battery can also gaul Ships, as soon as they enter the Harbour. 5. Three Flanks, mounting 2 Eighteen Pounders each. 6. A small Battery, which mounts 8 Nine Pounders. All these Guns command any Ship in the Harbour. 7. The Fort or Citadel, fortified distinctly from the Town, in which the Governor lives. 8. A Rock, called the Barrel. T The Center of the Town. L The Light-House. Every Bastion of the Town Wall has Embrasures or Ports for a Number of Guns to defend the Land Side. The black Strokes drawn from the several Batteries, shew the Lines in which the Shot may be directed. _CAPE-BRETON_ Island, on which _Louisburgh_ is built, lies on the South of the Gulph of _St. Lawrence_, and commands the Entrance into that River, and the Country of _Canada_. It is reckon'd 140 Leagues in Circuit, full of fine Bays and Harbours, extreamly convenient for Fishing Stages. It was always reckon'd a Part of _Nova-Scotia_. For the Importance of this Place see our _Gazette_, No. 858. As soon as the French King had begun the present unjust War against the English, the People of _Louisburgh_ attack'd the _New-England_ Town of _Canso_, consisting of about 150 Houses and a Fort, took it, burnt it to the Ground, and carried away the People, Men, Women and Children, Prisoners. They then laid Siege to _Annapolis Royal_, and would have taken it, if seasonable Assistance had not been sent from _Boston_. Mr. _Duvivier_ went home to _France_ last Fall for more Soldiers, _&c_. to renew that Attempt, and for Stores for Privateers, of which they proposed to fit out a great Number this Summer, being the last Year unprovided: Yet one of their Cruisers only, took 4 Sail in a few Days, off our Capes, to a very considerable Value. What might we have expected from a dozen Sail, making each 3 or 4 Cruises a Year? They boasted that during the War they should have no Occasion to cut Fire-Wood, for that the Jackstaves of English Vessels would be a Supply sufficient. It is therefore in their own NECESSARY DEFENCE, as well as that of all the other _British_ Colonies, that the People of _New-England_ have undertaken the present Expedition against that Place, to which may the _GOD OF HOSTS_ grant Success. _Amen_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 6, 1745 _Old Mistresses Apologue_ My dear Friend, June 25. 1745 I know of no Medicine fit to diminish the violent natural Inclinations you mention; and if I did, I think I should not communicate it to you. Marriage is the proper Remedy. It is the most natural State of Man, and therefore the State in which you are most likely to find solid Happiness. Your Reasons against entring into it at present, appear to me not well-founded. The circumstantial Advantages you have in View by postponing it, are not only uncertain, but they are small in comparison with that of the Thing itself, the being _married and settled_. It is the Man and Woman united that make the compleat human Being. Separate, she wants his Force of Body and Strength of Reason; he, her Softness, Sensibility and acute Discernment. Together they are more likely to succeed in the World. A single Man has not nearly the Value he would have in that State of Union. He is an incomplete Animal. He resembles the odd Half of a Pair of Scissars. If you get a prudent healthy Wife, your Industry in your Profession, with her good Economy, will be a Fortune sufficient. But if you will not take this Counsel, and persist in thinking a Commerce with the Sex inevitable, then I repeat my former Advice, that in all your Amours you should _prefer old Women to young ones_. You call this a Paradox, and demand my Reasons. They are these: 1. Because as they have more Knowledge of the World and their Minds are better stor'd with Observations, their Conversation is more improving and more lastingly agreable. 2. Because when Women cease to be handsome, they study to be good. To maintain their Influence over Men, they supply the Diminution of Beauty by an Augmentation of Utility. They learn to do a 1000 Services small and great, and are the most tender and useful of all Friends when you are sick. Thus they continue amiable. And hence there is hardly such a thing to be found as an old Woman who is not a good Woman. 3. Because there is no hazard of Children, which irregularly produc'd may be attended with much Inconvenience. 4. Because thro' more Experience, they are more prudent and discreet in conducting an Intrigue to prevent Suspicion. The Commerce with them is therefore safer with regard to your Reputation. And with regard to theirs, if the Affair should happen to be known, considerate People might be rather inclin'd to excuse an old Woman who would kindly take care of a young Man, form his Manners by her good Counsels, and prevent his ruining his Health and Fortune among mercenary Prostitutes. 5. Because in every Animal that walks upright, the Deficiency of the Fluids that fill the Muscles appears first in the highest Part: The Face first grows lank and wrinkled; then the Neck; then the Breast and Arms; the lower Parts continuing to the last as plump as ever: So that covering all above with a Basket, and regarding only what is below the Girdle, it is impossible of two Women to know an old from a young one. And as in the dark all Cats are grey, the Pleasure of corporal Enjoyment with an old Woman is at least equal, and frequently superior, every Knack being by Practice capable of Improvement. 6. Because the Sin is less. The debauching a Virgin may be her Ruin, and make her for Life unhappy. 7. Because the Compunction is less. The having made a young Girl _miserable_ may give you frequent bitter Reflections; none of which can attend the making an old Woman _happy_. 8thly and Lastly They are _so grateful!!_ Thus much for my Paradox. But still I advise you to marry directly; being sincerely Your affectionate Friend. _The Antediluvians Were All Very Sober_ The Antediluvians were all very sober For they had no Wine, and they brew'd no October; All wicked, bad Livers, on Mischief still thinking, For there can't be good Living where there is not good Drinking. Derry down 'Twas honest old Noah first planted the Vine, And mended his Morals by drinking its Wine; He justly the drinking of Water decry'd; For he knew that all Mankind, by drinking it, dy'd. Derry down. From this Piece of History plainly we find That Water's good neither for Body or Mind; That Virtue and Safety in Wine-bibbing's found While all that drink Water deserve to be drown'd. Derry down So For Safety and Honesty put the Glass round. _Appreciation of George Whitefield_ On Sunday the 20th Instant, the Rev. Mr. _Whitefield_ preach'd twice, tho' apparently much indispos'd, to large Congregations in the New-Building in this City, and the next Day set out for New-York. When we seriously consider how incessantly this faithful Servant (not yet 32 Years old) has, for about 10 Years past, laboured in his great Master's Vineyard, with an Alacrity and fervent Zeal, which an infirm Constitution, still daily declining, cannot abate; and which have triumphed over the most vigorous Opposition from whole Armies of invidious Preachers and Pamphleteers; under whose Performances, the Pulpits and Presses, of _Great-Britain_ and _America_, have groaned; We may reasonably think with the learned Dr. Watts_, "That he is a Man raised up by Providence in an uncommon Way, to awaken a stupid and ungodly World, to a Sense of the important Affairs of Religion and Eternity:" And the Lines of Mr. _Wesley_, concerning another young Methodist, may justly be applied to his dear Friend _Whitefield_ -- _Wise in his Prime, he waited not for Noon, Convinc'd that Mortals never liv'd too soon; As if foreboding here his little Stay, He makes his Morning bear the Heat of Day. No fair Occasion glides unheeded by, Snatching the Golden Moments as they fly, He by few fleeting Hours ensures Eternity._ His Sermons here this Summer have given general Satisfaction, and plainly proved the great Ability of the Preacher. His rich Fancy, sound and ripening Judgment, and extensive Acquaintance with Men and Books of useful Literature, have been acknowledg'd by every unprejudiced Person. Purity of Language, Perspicuity of Method, a ready Elocution, an engaging Address, and an apt Gesture, peculiar to this accomplish'd Orator, consider'd with his unspotted Character in private Life, have added Force to the plain strong Arguments, and pathetick Expostulations, wherewith his Discourses abounded. And, it cannot be doubted, that many have been awaken'd to a Sense of the Importance of Religion, and others have been built up in their most holy Christian Faith under his Ministry. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 31, 1746 _The Speech of Miss Polly Baker_ _The SPEECH of Miss_ Polly Baker, _before a Court of Judicature, at_ Connecticut _in_ New England, _where she was prosecuted the fifth Time for having a Bastard Child; which influenced the Court to dispense with her Punishment, and induced one of her Judges to marry her the next Day_. May it please the Honourable Bench to indulge me a few Words: I am a poor unhappy Woman; who have no Money to Fee Lawyers to plead for me, being hard put to it to get a tolerable Living. I shall not trouble your Honours with long Speeches; for I have not the presumption to expect, that you may, by any Means, be prevailed on to deviate in your Sentence from the Law, in my Favour. All I humbly hope is, that your Honours would charitably move the Governor's Goodness on my Behalf, that my Fine may be remitted. This is the Fifth Time, Gentlemen, that I have been dragg'd before your Courts on the same Account; twice I have paid heavy Fines, and twice have been brought to public Punishment, for want of Money to pay those Fines. This may have been agreeable to the Laws; I do not dispute it: But since Laws are sometimes unreasonable in themselves, and therefore repealed; and others bear too hard on the Subject in particular Circumstances; and therefore there is left a Power somewhere to dispense with the Execution of them; I take the Liberty to say, that I think this Law, by which I am punished, is both unreasonable in itself, and particularly severe with regard to me, who have always lived an inoffensive Life in the Neighbourhood where I was born, and defy my Enemies (if I have any) to say I ever wrong'd Man, Woman, or Child. Abstracted from the Law, I cannot conceive (may it please your Honours) what the Nature of my Offence is. I have brought Five fine Children into the World, at the Risque of my Life: I have maintained them well by my own Industry, without burthening the Township, and could have done it better, if it had not been for the heavy Charges and Fines I have paid. Can it be a Crime (in the Nature of Things I mean) to add to the Number of the King's Subjects, in a new Country that really wants People? I own I should think it rather a Praise worthy, than a Punishable Action. I have debauch'd no other Woman's Husband, nor inticed any innocent Youth: These Things I never was charged with; nor has any one the least cause of Complaint against me, unless, perhaps the Minister, or the Justice, because I have had Children without being Married, by which they have miss'd a Wedding Fee. But, can even this be a Fault of mine? I appeal to your Honours. You are pleased to allow I don't want Sense; but I must be stupid to the last Degree, not to prefer the honourable State of Wedlock, to the Condition I have lived in. I always was, and still am, willing to enter into it; I doubt not my Behaving well in it, having all the Industry, Frugality, Fertility, and Skill in Oeconomy, appertaining to a good Wife's Character. I defy any Person to say I ever Refused an Offer of that Sort: On the contrary, I readily Consented to the only Proposal of Marriage that ever was made me, which was when I was a Virgin; but too easily confiding in the Person's Sincerity that made it, I unhappily lost my own Honour, by trusting to his; for he got me with Child, and then forsook me: That very Person you all know; he is now become a Magistrate of this County; and I had hopes he would have appeared this Day on the Bench, and have endeavoured to moderate the Court in my Favour; then I should have scorn'd to have mention'd it; but I must Complain of it as unjust and unequal, that my Betrayer and Undoer, the first Cause of all my Faults and Miscarriages (if they must be deemed such) should be advanced to Honour and Power, in the same Government that punishes my Misfortunes with Stripes and Infamy. I shall be told, 'tis like, that were there no Act of Assembly in the Case, the Precepts of Religion are violated by my Transgressions. If mine, then, is a religious Offence, leave it, Gentlemen, to religious Punishments. You have already excluded me from all the Comforts of your Church Communion: Is not that sufficient? You believe I have offended Heaven, and must suffer eternal Fire: Will not that be sufficient? What need is there, then, of your additional Fines and Whippings? I own, I do not think as you do; for, if I thought, what you call a Sin, was really such, I would not presumptuously commit it. But how can it be believed, that Heaven is angry at my having Children, when, to the little done by me towards it, God has been pleased to add his divine Skill and admirable Workmanship in the Formation of their Bodies, and crown'd it by furnishing them with rational and immortal Souls? Forgive me Gentlemen, if I talk a little extravagantly on these Matters; I am no Divine: But if you, great Men, (*) must be making Laws, do not turn natural and useful Actions into Crimes, by your Prohibitions. Reflect a little on the horrid Consequences of this Law in particular: What Numbers of procur'd Abortions! and how many distress'd Mothers have been driven, by the Terror of Punishment and public Shame, to imbrue, contrary to Nature, their own trembling Hands in the Blood of their helpless Offspring! Nature would have induc'd them to nurse it up with a Parent's Fondness. 'Tis the Law therefore, 'tis the Law itself that is guilty of all these Barbarities and Murders. Repeal it then, Gentlemen; let it be expung'd for ever from your Books: And on the other hand, take into your wise Consideration, the great and growing Number of Batchelors in the Country, many of whom, from the mean Fear of the Expence of a Family, have never sincerely and honourably Courted a Woman in their Lives; and by their Manner of Living, leave unproduced (which I think is little better than Murder) Hundreds of their Posterity to the Thousandth Generation. Is not theirs a greater Offence against the Public Good, than mine? Compel them then, by a Law, either to Marry, or pay double the Fine of Fornication every Year. What must poor young Women do, whom Custom has forbid to sollicit the Men, and who cannot force themselves upon Husbands, when the Laws take no Care to provide them any, and yet severely punish if they do their Duty without them? Yes, Gentlemen, I venture to call it a Duty; 'tis the Duty of the first and great Command of Nature, and of Nature's God, _Increase and multiply_: A Duty, from the steady Performance of which nothing has ever been able to deter me; but for it's Sake, I have hazarded the Loss of the public Esteem, and frequently incurr'd public Disgrace and Punishment; and therefore ought, in my humble Opinion, instead of a Whipping, to have a Statue erected to my Memory. (*) _Turning to some Gentlemen of the Assembly, then in Court. _The Maryland Gazette_, August 11, 1747; first printed April 15, 1747 _Whitefield's Accounts_ _Extract of a Letter from the Reverend Mr._ Smith, _of_ Charles-Town, South-Carolina, _dated_ March 2. 1746-7. "Mr. WHITEFIELD's excellent Parts, fine Elocution, and masterly Address; His admirable Talent of opening the Scriptures, and enforcing the most weighty Subjects upon the Conscience; His polite and serious Behaviour; His unaffected and superior Piety; His Prudence, Humility, and Catholick Spirit, are Things which must silence and disarm Prejudice itself. By these Qualifications of the _Orator_, the _Divine_, and the _Christian_, He has not only fixed himself deeper in the Affections of his former Friends, but greatly increased the Number wherever he has preached; and made his Way into the Hearts of several, who, till this Visit, had said all the severe Things against him that _Enmity_ itself seemed capable of. He now seems to _reign_ over his Hearers, among whom are Gentlemen of the best Figure and Estate we have, and has gained some, whose former Prejudices one would have thought insuperable. As an Instance of our Affection and Esteem, no sooner was the Motion started by some particular Gentlemen, but, with the greatest Alacrity, and in a _very short_ Time, we subscribed, and gave him, much above _Two Hundred Pounds_ Sterling_; which we should not have done, but upon a firm Persuasion of the Sincerity of his Intentions. We hope we have laid an effectual Scheme for _tying_ him faster to _America_, which will give us the Satisfaction of seeing a Man we so highly esteem the oftener. These Things are so universally known in _this Town_, that you have free Leave to publish them, and to affix the Name of, _Dear Sir,_ _Your affectionate Friend and Servant,_ _JOSIAH SMITH_." _Extract of another Letter from South-Carolina, dated March_ 11_th_. "It is with Pleasure I can now assure you, that the Rev. Mr. _Whitefield_ has more Friends in _Charlestown_ among Gentlemen, especially of Distinction and Substance, than ever heretofore. The Orator in the Pulpit, and the Gentleman and the Christian, happily united in Conversation, has triumph'd over a thousand Prejudices, and is become the Admiration of several, who before had conceiv'd the worst Idea of him imaginable. And since Actions are the best Expositors of the Heart, we have not been content to court his Company only, but, as a further Expression of our Esteem, have given him between two and three hundred Pounds Sterling." The above Extracts will, we doubt not, at once please the Friends of the Reverend Mr. _Whitefield_, and convince every candid Reader, that his Accounts of the Disposition of the Sums of Money heretofore collected for the Use of his _Orphan House_ in _Georgia_ are just; since it cannot be conceived that Gentlemen, who live so near to that House as _Charles-Town, South-Carolina_, and have daily Opportunities of knowing how the Affair is conducted, should contribute so generously to Mr. _Whitefield_, if they thought his former Collections were not duly applied. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 23, 1747 _Verses on the Virginia Capitol Fire_ _Mr. Printer,_ It may entertain the curious and learned Part of your Subscribers, if you give them the following genuine _Speech_ and _Address_, which, for the _Importance_ of the _Subject_, _Grandeur_ of _Sentiment_, and _Elegance_ of _Expression_, perhaps exceed Any they have hitherto seen. For the Benefit of more common Readers, I have turn'd them, with some Paraphrase, into _plain English Verse_. I am told by Friends, that my Performance is excellent: But I claim no other Praise than what regards my _Rhyme_, and my _Perspicuity_. All the other Beauties I acknowledge, are owing to the _Original_, whose true Sense I have every where follow'd with a scrupulous Exactness. If envious Critics should observe, that some of my Lines are _too short_ in their Number of Feet, I own it; but then, to make ample Amends, I have given _very good Measure_ in most of the others. I am, Sir, your constant Reader, NED. TYPE. * * * * * _The_ SPEECH _Versyfied_. L --- d have Mercy on us! -- the CAPITOL! the CAPITOL! is burnt down! O astonishing Fate! -- which occasions this Meeting in Town. And this _Fate_ proves a _Loss_, to be deplored the more, The said _Fate_ being th'_Effect_ of Malice and _Design_, to be sure. And yet 'tis hard to comprehend how a Crime of so flagitious a Nature, Should be committed, or even _imagined_, by any but an _irrational_ Creature. But when you consider, that the first _Emission of Smoke_ was not from below, And that Fires kindled by Accident _always burn slow_, And not with half the Fury as when they _burn on Purpose_ you know You'll be forced to ascribe it (with Hearts full of Sadness) To the horrid Machinations of desperate Villains, instigated by infernal Madness. God forbid I should accuse or excuse any without just Foundation, Yet I may venture to assert, -- for our own Reputation, That such superlative Wickedness never entred the Hearts of _Virginians_, who are the CREAM of the _British_ Nation. The Clerks have been examin'd, and clear'd by the May'r, Yet are willing to be examin'd again by you, and that's fair. And will prove in the Face of the Country, if requir'd, That it was not by their _Conduct_ our Capitol was fir'd. I must add, to do 'em Justice, that the Comfort we have, In enjoying our authentic Registers, which those Clerks did save, Is owing to their Activity, Resolution and Diligence, Together with Divine Providence. All which would have been in vain, I protest, If the Wind, at the bursting out of the Flames, had not changed from _East_ to _Northwest_. Our Treasury being low, and my Infirmities great, I would have kept you prorogu'd till the Revisal of the Laws was compleat; But this Misfortune befalling the _Capitol_ of the Capital of our Nation Require your immediate Care and Assistance for its _Instauration_. To press you in a Point of such Usefulness manifest, Would shew a Diffidence of your sincere Zeal for the public Interest For which you and I always make such a laudable Pother, And for which we've so often _applauded one Another_. The same public Spirit which within these Walls us'd to direct you all, Will determine you (as Fathers of your Country) to apply Means effectual For restoring the ROYAL FABRIC to its former Beauty And Magnificence, according to your Duty; With the like Apartments, elegant and spacious For all the _weighty_ purposes of Government, so capacious. Mean time the College and Court of Hustings our _Weight_ may sustain, But pray let us speedily have our CAPITOL, our _important_ CAPITOL again. _The COUNCIL's Answer_. We the King's _best Subjects_, the Council of this Dominion, Are deeply affected (as is every true _Virginian_) With the unhappy Occasion of our present Meeting: ------ In Troth we have but a sorry Greeting. We are also not a little touch'd (in the Head) with the same _Weakness_ as your Honour's, And therefore think this raging Fire which consum'd our _Capitol_, should incite us to reform our Manners: The best _Expedient_ at present to avert the Indignation divine, And _nobly_ to express our _Gratitude_ for the _Justice_, which (temper'd with Mercy) doth shine, In _preserving_ our Records, tho' Red hot, And like Brands pluck'd out of the Flames, in which they were going to pot, Without this _Expedient_ we shall be ruin'd quite. -- Besides, This FIRE puts us in Mind of NEW-LIGHT; And we think it Heav'n's Judgment on us for tolerating the Presbyterians, Whose Forefathers drubb'd ours, about a hundred Year-hence. We therefore resolve to abate a little of our Drinking, Gaming, Cursing and Swearing, And make up for the rest, by persecuting some itinerant Presbyterian. An _active Discharge_ of our _important_ Trusts, according to your Honour's Desire, Is the wisest _Project of Insurance_ that can be, of the Public Safety, from the Attempts of such as would _set it on fire_. 'Tis _a Project_ also for advancing the Honour and Interest of our King and Nation, And _a Project_ for engaging Heaven's Protection from Generation to Generation. We take this Opportunity, that we may not be suspected of Malignity, To congratulate you, Sir, on your Promotion to the Baronet's Dignity; A fresh Instance of just Regard to your long and faithful Services we say, Because from _Carthagena_ your Honour came safe away, And you lent and sent such _great Assistance_ for reducing CANADA. _The BARONET's Reply_. The just Sense you express for the Loss of our CAPITOL, which to be sure was a fatal Mishap, Your affectionate Concern for the _Infirmities of my Honour_, And Joy at my new Title, of which our good K -- g is the Donor, Claim sincere Acknowledgments of Thankfulness, And Gratitude, for this obliging Address. And, (lest here and hereafter we're left in the Lurch) To promote _true Religion_, (I mean our own Church) I'll heartily concur with you, and lend a few Knocks To suppress these confounding New Light Heterodox. Then if from our Sins, we also refrain, Perhaps we may have our CAPITOL! our dear CAPITOL! our glorious ROYAL CAPITOL again. _The New-York Gazette,_ June 1, 1747, supplement _The Necessity of Self-Defence_ Mr. _FRANKLIN_, The absolute and obvious Necessity of Self-Defence, in the present Conjuncture, occasioned me to consider attentively several Passages in the New Testament, from whence some have endeavoured to shew the Unlawfulness of Christians bearing Arms on any Account, wherein I had made a small Progress before hearing Mr. _Tennent_'s Sermon last _Thursday_ on that Occasion, which is so full and clear on the Subject, so well supported by Strength of Argument, and carried on with such masterly Judgment and Address, that I am of Opinion, the Publication thereof may sufficiently answer the most material Purposes in my View; wherefore I only now present you a few Thoughts which lay ready, on one particular Passage, as an Amusement to your Readers, till the above Sermon appears in Print, as I hear it soon will. When it is considered that some Kinds of War were held lawful amongst the primitive Christians, as appears evidently from many of the ancient Martyrs, who suffered Torture and Death, for their Faith in Jesus, and Constancy to the Christian Religion, being at the Time of such Martyrdom, actually in the Station of Soldiers, and this in the early Ages of Christianity, while the Streams flow'd pure from the Fountain, 'ere the Apostacy had crept in, or the holy Doctrines of Jesus and his Apostles, were exchanged for the corrupt Traditions of Men, being only a few Centuries from Christ, it may seem strange that any Christians should now deny the Lawfulness of defensive War, and attempt to infer from our Saviour's Answer and Command to the Disciple who drew a Sword in his Defence, that the Use of Arms is in all Cases forbid by Christ. For the better understanding this Matter, observe what the several Evangelists say theron. _Mark_ is very short: _One of them that stood by, drew a Sword, and smote a Servant of the High Priest, and cut off his Ear,_ chap. xiv. 47. _Luke_ only says; _When they which were about him saw what would follow, they said unto him, Lord, shall we smite with the Sword? And one of them smote the Servant of the High Priest, and cut off his right Ear. And Jesus answered and said, Suffer ye thus far, and he touched his Ear, and healed him_, Chap. xx. 49-51. This is all the Notice taken by _Mark_ and _Luke_, which implies not so much as a Prohibition of Arms, even on this Occasion. _John_ xviii. 10. writes; _Then Simon Peter having a Sword, drew it, and smote the High Priest's Servant, and cut off his right Ear. The Servant's Name was Malchus. Then said Jesus unto Peter, Put up thy Sword into the Sheath:_ The Reason follows, not that the Use of Arms is unlawful, but _The Cup which my Father hath given me, shall I not drink it?_ _Matthew_ is most full on the Passage, Chap. xxvi. 51,-54. _And behold one of them which were with Jesus, stretched out his Hand, and drew a Sword, and struck a Servant of the High Priest's, and smote off his Ear. Then said Jesus unto him, Put up again thy Sword into his Place; for all they that take the Sword, shall perish with the Sword. Thinkest thou that I cannot now pray to my Father, and he shall presently give me more than twelve Legions of Angels? But how then shall the Scripture be fulfilled, that thus it must be?_ From whence neither will it follow, that the Use of Arms is prohibited, since it must be granted, the Words, _All they that take the Sword, shall perish with the Sword_, cannot be understood in an absolute literal Sense, as to Individuals; it being evident that all Men who have taken the Sword, have not perished by the Sword, but many of them died in the common Course of Nature, by Diseases, or old Age: Nor will any, 'tis presum'd, be so uncharitable to suppose, this can be meant of the Souls of all those who have taken the Sword. The Passage therefore by no Means determines this Point, whether to use a Sword on any Occasion, be right or wrong; altho' it might have warned People against attempting to propagate the Christian Religion by Fire or Sword, and apparently tends to convince the _Jews_ of their great Mistake, in expecting the Messiah with outward Pomp and Regal Authority; also may be easily understood to illustrate the great Difference between Christ's Kingdom and those of Princes. If Force had been necessary to the former, an invincible Army of Angels would assuredly have conquered all Opposition, the Disciples poor Help had been quite needless: But the Defence of Christ's Kingdom not depending on Men or Angels, could have no Support from their Assistance, being neither liable to Change, or subject to Dissolution. _The Word of the Lord endureth for ever; and this is the Word which by the Gospel is preached unto you, 1 Pet. i. 24, 25. On the other Hand, the above quoted Words of Christ may either generally relate to the Revolutions and Periods of States, or in a more limited Sense (as in this Case of the Disciples) only signify, that all who persist in opposing their Swords, as private Men against the legal Authority of the Magistracy, shall perish with the Sword. Other Explications may be given, all _agreeing_ to demonstrate no Inconsistency in the Passage, unless taken in an absolute literal Sense, and without which, a total Prohibition or Discouragement of bearing Arms will not follow. The Words, _Put up again thy Sword into his Place_, convey an Idea very different to laying it aside for ever as unlawful; do they not rather hint, The Sword, when in its proper Place, is ready against a suitable Occasion. The Passage might be enlarged upon; but, in my Apprehension, no Construction appears more clear and easy, than the Text simply pointing out a Contradistinction between the Kingdom of Christ, and those of temporal Princes; carnal Weapons, tho' useful and necessary in the latter, are not only unlawful, but improper and ineffectual for establishing the former; and if Liberty may be taken to vary the concise, comprehensive Stile of Scripture into a familiar Way of Speech, the Sense of those Verses appears much the same as if Christ had said, "_Peter_, put up thy Sword on this Occasion, it is no Time now to use carnal Weapons; My Kingdom is not of this World, is neither capable of being supported, or liable to be subverted by the Sword, to the Dangers of which all earthly Kingdoms are continually exposed: Mine stands on a more sure Foundation, in the De-fence whereof, if Force availed, a most powerful Army of Angels would now descend to my Assistance." But in the 54th Verse an immediate Reason is given why our Saviour did not admit any kind of Defence to be made in his Behalf: It would frustrate the End of his Coming, and prevent the fulfilling of the Scriptures, which agrees with that given by St. _John_; and the whole Passage appears plainly to have no Relation to the Lawfulness or Unlawfulness of using the Sword in any other Case than on the Score of Religion, but most particularly in preventing Christ being delivered to the _Jews_. From whence follows this most obvious Remark, That since Swords were by Christ commanded to be procured, yet forbidden to be used on this Occasion, they were certainly intended for some other Purpose: For the Injunction of providing them will presently be shewn in the strongest Terms; and we may here well use an Expression of _Cicero_ with redoubled Energy, _Quid Gladii volunt? quos habere certi non liceret, si uti illis nullo pacto liceret_. But in St. _Luke_, xxii. 35. we find very plainly Christ's Opinion of the Necessity of having Swords in these Words, _When I sent you without Purse, and Scrip, and Shoes, lacked ye any Thing? And they said, Nothing_. This was when our Lord sent his Disciples, Chapter x. 1. _Before his Face, into every City, and Place, whither he himself would come._ But now, when the Lord is about to be offered up, and his Disciples are to remain in the World, it seems they are not to expect a miraculous Support and Defence: For Christ says, Chapter xxii. 36. _But now, he that hath a Purse, let him take it, and likewise his Scrip, and he that hath no Sword, let him sell his Garment, and buy one._ _(He that hath a Purse, let him take it)_ Money, it seems, in the tedious Journey of human Life was lawful and necessary _(and likewise his Scrip)_ Provisions or Food were also; (_And he that hath no Sword, let him sell his Garment, and buy one)_ But a Sword was lawful, and still more necessary, even of greater Consequence than our very Clothes; and the Experience of Christians from that Time down to the present, may be appealed to, Whether Money and Provisions have not been found very useful, and, in many Cases, the Defence of Mens Lives and Liberties of greater Consequence than Food or Raiment; agreeable to our Saviour's Words in another Place, _Is not the Life more than Meat, and the Body than Raiment?_ Matth. vi. 25. Yet how punctually do some Christians perform the first and second Parts of this Injunction? Very diligently they provide Purse, and Scrip, yet neglect that most necessary Provision, the Sword, notwithstanding Food and Raiment are represented by Christ of so much less Consequence than Life, which, under Providence, is protected and defended by the Sword, and (on Account of its signal Use, no Doubt) is commanded to be purchased at the Expence of our Garments: Wherefor it is most plain some Use was to be made of Swords; but it has been already shewn that Christianity was not to be forced upon People by the Sword: What better Use then remains, than the Defence of our Country, and the Protection of the Helpless and Innocent? If any can be shewn more consistent with Christianity, or beneficial to Mankind, it would be kind in the _Quakers_ to inform those, whose present Measures of using Arms they condemn. Should some object, that on the Answer, Verse 38. _Lord, Behold here are two Swords_, Christ said, _It is enough_. Let them remember, that the same Proportion which was adjusted for the Disciples, is enough in most well peopled Countries. _I am Yours,_ &c. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 29, 1747, supplement _Devices and Mottoes of the Associators_ DEVICES and MOTTOES painted on some of the Silk Colours of the Regiments of Associators_, in and near _Philadelphia_. I. A Lion erect, a naked Scymeter in one Paw, the other holding the _Pennsylvania_ Scutcheon. Motto, PRO PATRIA. II. Three Arms, wearing different Linnen, ruffled, plain and chequed; the Hands joined by grasping each the other's Wrist, denoting the Union of all Ranks. Motto, UNITA VIRTUS VALET. III. An Eagle, the Emblem of Victory, descending from the Skies. Motto, A DEO VICTORIA. IV. The Figure of LIBERTY, sitting on a Cube, holding a Spear with the Cap of Freedom on its Point. Motto, INESTIMABILIS. V. An armed Arm, with a naked Faulchion in its Hand. Motto, DEUA ADJUVAT FORTES. VI. An Elephant, being the Emblem of a Warrior always on his Guard, as that Creature is said never to lie down, and hath his Arms ever in Readiness. Motto, SEMPER PARATUS. VII. A City walled round. Motto, SALUS PATRIAE, SUMMA LEX. VIII. A Soldier, with his Piece recover'd, ready to present. Motto, SIC PACEM QUERIMUS. IX. A Coronet and Plume of Feathers. Motto, IN GOD WE TRUST. X. A Man with a Sword drawn. Motto, PRO ARIS ET FOCIS. &c. &c. Most of the above Colours, together with the Officers Half-Pikes and Spontons, and even the Halberts, Drums, &c. have been given by the good Ladies of this City, who raised Money by Subscription among themselves for that Purpose. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, January 12, 1747/8 Continuation of Devices and Mottoes painted on some of the Silk Colours of the Regiments of Associators in this City and Country adjacent. XI. Three of the Associators marching with their Muskets shoulder'd, and dressed in different Clothes, intimating the Unanimity of the different Sorts of People in the Association; Motto, Vis Unita Fortior. XII. A Musket and Sword crossing each other; Motto, Pro Rege & Grege. XIII. Representation of a Glory, in the Middle of which is wrote _Jehovah_ _Nissi_, in English, The Lord our Banner. XIV. A Castle, at the Gate of which a Soldier stands Centinel; Motto, Cavendo Tutus. XV. David, as he advanced against Goliah, and slung the Stone; Motto, In Nomine Domini. XVI. A Lion rampant, one Paw holding up a Scymiter, another on a Sheaf of Wheat; Motto, Domine Protege Alimentum. XVII. A sleeping Lion; Motto, Rouze me if you dare. XVIII. Hope, represented by a Woman standing cloathed in blue, holding one Hand on an Anchor; Motto, Spero per Deum vincere. XIX. The Duke of Cumberland as a General; Motto, Pro Deo & Georgio Rege. XX. A Soldier on Horseback; Motto, Pro Libertate Patriae. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 16, 1748 _Advice to a Young Tradesman, Written by an Old One._ To my Friend _A_. _B_. _As you have desired it of me, I write the following Hints, which have been of Service to me, and may, if observed, be so to you_. Remember that TIME is Money. He that can earn Ten Shillings a Day by his Labour, and goes abroad, or sits idle one half of that Day, tho' he spends but Sixpence during his Diversion or Idleness, ought not to reckon That the only Expence; he has really spent or rather thrown away Five Shillings besides. Remember that CREDIT is Money. If a Man lets his Money lie in my Hands after it is due, he gives me the Interest, or so much as I can make of it during that Time. This amounts to a considerable Sum where a Man has good and large Credit, and makes good Use of it. Remember that Money is of a prolific generating Nature. Money can beget Money, and its Offspring can beget more, and so on. Five Shillings turn'd, is _Six_: Turn'd again, 'tis Seven and Three Pence; and so on 'til it becomes an Hundred Pound. The more there is of it, the more it produces every Turning, so that the Profits rise quicker and quicker. He that kills a breeding Sow, destroys all her Offspring to the thousandth Generation. He that murders a Crown, destroys all it might have produc'd, even Scores of Pounds. Remember that Six Pounds a Year is but a Groat a Day. For this little Sum (which may be daily wasted either in Time or Expence unperceiv'd) a Man of Credit may on his own Security have the constant Possession and Use of an Hundred Pounds. So much in Stock briskly turn'd by an industrious Man, produces great Advantage. Remember this Saying, _That the good Paymaster is Lord of another Man's Purse_. He that is known to pay punctually and exactly to the Time he promises, may at any Time, and on any Occasion, raise all the Money his Friends can spare. This is sometimes of great Use: Therefore never keep borrow'd Money an Hour beyond the Time you promis'd, lest a Disappointment shuts up your Friends Purse forever. The most trifling Actions that affect a Man's Credit, are to be regarded. The Sound of your Hammer at Five in the Morning or Nine at Night, heard by a Creditor, makes him easy Six Months longer. But if he sees you at a Billiard Table, or hears your Voice in a Tavern, when you should be at Work, he sends for his Money the next Day. Finer Cloaths than he or his Wife wears, or greater Expence in any particular than he affords himself, shocks his Pride, and he duns you to humble you. Creditors are a kind of People, that have the sharpest Eyes and Ears, as well as the best Memories of any in the World. Good-natur'd Creditors (and such one would always chuse to deal with if one could) feel Pain when they are oblig'd to ask for Money. Spare 'em that Pain, and they will love you. When you receive a Sum of Money, divide it among 'em in Proportion to your Debts. Don't be asham'd of paying a small Sum because you owe a greater. Money, more or less, is always welcome; and your Creditor had rather be at the Trouble of receiving Ten Pounds voluntarily brought him, tho' at ten different Times or Payments, than be oblig'd to go ten Times to demand it before he can receive it in a Lump. It shews, besides, that you are mindful of what you owe; it makes you appear a careful as well as an honest Man; and that still encreases your Credit. Beware of thinking all your own that you possess, and of living accordingly. 'Tis a mistake that many People who have Credit fall into. To prevent this, keep an exact Account for some Time of both your Expences and your Incomes. If you take the Pains at first to mention Particulars, it will have this good Effect; you will discover how wonderfully small trifling Expences mount up to large Sums, and will discern what might have been, and may for the future be saved, without occasioning any great Inconvenience. In short, the Way to Wealth, if you desire it, is as plain as the Way to Market. It depends chiefly on two Words, INDUSTRY and FRUGALITY; _i. e._ Waste neither Time nor Money, but make the best Use of both. He that gets all he can honestly, and saves all he gets (necessary Expences excepted) will certainly become RICH; If that Being who governs the World, to whom all should look for a Blessing on their Honest Endeavours, doth not in his wise Providence otherwise determine. Philadelphia, B. Franklin and D. Hall, at the New-Printing-Office, 1748 _Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pensilvania_ Advertisement to the Reader. _It has long been regretted as a Misfortune to the Youth of this Province, that we have no_ ACADEMY, _in which they might receive the Accomplishments of a regular Education._ _The following Paper of_ Hints _towards forming a Plan for that Purpose, is so far approv'd by some publick-spirited Gentlemen, to whom it has been privately communicated, that they have directed a Number of Copies to be made by the Press, and properly distributed, in order to obtain the Sentiments and Advice of Men of Learning, Understanding, and Experience in these Matters; and have determin'd to use their Interest and best Endeavours, to have the Scheme, when compleated, carried gradually into Execution; in which they have Reason to believe they shall have the hearty Concurrence and Assistance of many who are Wellwishers to their Country._ _Those who incline to favour the Design with their Advice, either as to the Parts of Learning to be taught, the Order of Study, the Method of Teaching, the Oeconomy of the School, or any other Matter of Importance to the Success of the Undertaking, are desired to communicate their Sentiments as soon as may be, by Letter directed to_ B. Franklin, _Printer, in_ Philadelphia. AUTHORS _quoted in this_ PAPER. 1. The famous _Milton_, whose Learning and Abilities are well known, and who had practised some Time the Education of Youth, so could speak from Experience. 2. The great Mr. _Locke_, who wrote a Treatise on Education, well known, and much esteemed, being translated into most of the modern Languages of _Europe_. 3. _Dialogues on Education_, 2 Vols. Octavo, that are much esteem'd, having had two Editions in 3 Years. Suppos'd to be wrote by the ingenious Mr. _Hutcheson_ (Author of _A Treatise on the Passions_, and another on the _Ideas of Beauty and Virtue_) who has had much Experience in Educating of Youth, being a Professor in the College at _Glasgow_, &c. 4. The learned Mr. _Obadiah Walker_, who had been many Years a Tutor to young Noblemen, and wrote a Treatise _on the Education of a young Gentleman_; of which the Fifth Edition was printed 1687. 5. The much admired Mons. _Rollin_, whose whole Life was spent in a College; and wrote 4 Vols. on Education, under the Title of, _The Method of Teaching and Studying the Belles Lettres_; which are translated into _English_, _Italian_, and most of the modern Languages. 6. The learned and ingenious Dr. _George Turnbull_, Chaplain to the present Prince of _Wales_; who has had much Experience in the Educating of Youth, and publish'd a Book, Octavo, intituled, _Observations on Liberal Education, in all its Branches_, 1742. With some others. The good Education of Youth has been esteemed by wise Men in all Ages, as the surest Foundation of the Happiness both of private Families and of Common-wealths. Almost all Governments have therefore made it a principal Object of their Attention, to establish and endow with proper Revenues, such Seminaries of Learning, as might supply the succeeding Age with Men qualified to serve the Publick with Honour to themselves, and to their Country. (* 1) Many of the first Settlers of these Provinces, were Men who had received a good Education in _Europe_, and to their Wisdom and good Management we owe much of our present Prosperity. But their Hands were full, and they could not do all Things. The present Race are not thought to be generally of equal Ability: For though the _American_ Youth are allow'd not to want Capacity; yet the best Capacities require Cultivation, it being truly with them, as with the best Ground, which unless well tilled and sowed with profitable Seed, produces only ranker Weeds. That we may obtain the Advantages arising from an Increase of Knowledge, and prevent as much as may be the mischievous Consequences that would attend a general Ignorance among us, the following _Hints_ are offered towards forming a Plan for the Education of the Youth of _Pennsylvania_, viz. It is propos'd, THAT some Persons of Leisure and publick Spirit, apply for a CHARTER, by which they may be incorporated, with Power to erect an ACADEMY for the Education of Youth, to govern the same, provide Masters, make Rules, receive Donations, purchase Lands, _&c._ and to add to their Number, from Time to Time such other Persons as they shall judge suitable. That the Members of the Corporation make it their Pleasure, and in some Degree their Business, to visit the Academy often, encourage and (* 2) countenance the Youth, countenance and assist the Masters, and by all Means in their Power advance the Usefulness and Reputation of the Design; that they look on the Students as in some Sort their Children, treat them with Familiarity and Affection, and when they have behav'd well, and gone through their Studies, and are to enter the World, zealously unite, and make all the Interest that can be made to establish them (* 3), whether in Business, Offices, Marriages, or any other Thing for their Advantage, preferably to all other Persons whatsoever even of equal Merit. And if Men may, and frequently do, catch such a Taste for cultivating Flowers,ng, Grafting, Inoculating, and the like, as to despise all other Amusements for their Sake, why may not we expect they should acquire a Relish for that _more useful_ Culture of young Minds. _Thompson_ says, _'Tis Joy to see the human Blossoms blow, When infant Reason grows apace, and calls For the kind Hand of an assiduous Care; Delightful Task! to rear the tender Thought, To teach the young Idea how to shoot, To pour the fresh Instruction o'er the Mind, To breathe th' enliv'ning Spirit, and to fix The generous Purpose in the glowing Breast._ That a House be provided for the ACADEMY, if not in the Town, not many Miles from it; the Situation high and dry, and if it may be, not far from a River, having a Garden, Orchard, Meadow, and a Field or two. That the House be furnished with a Library (if in the Country, if in the Town, the Town (* 4) Libraries may serve) with Maps of all Countries, Globes, some mathematical Instruments, and Apparatus for Experiments in Natural Philosophy, and for Mechanics; Prints, of all Kinds, Prospects, Buildings, Machines, _&c_. (* 5) That the RECTOR be a Man of good Understanding, good Morals, diligent and patient, learn'd in the Languages and Sciences, and a correct pure Speaker and Writer of the _English_ Tongue; to have such Tutors under him as shall be necessary. That the boarding Scholars diet (* 6) together, plainly, temperately, and frugally. That to keep them in Health, and to strengthen and render active their Bodies, they be frequently (* 7) exercis'd in Running, Leaping, Wrestling, and Swimming (* 8) _&c_. That they have peculiar Habits to distinguish them from other Youth, if the Academy be in or near the Town; for this, among other Reasons, that their Behaviour may be the better observed. As to their STUDIES, it would be well if they could be taught _every Thing_ that is useful, and _every Thing_ that is ornamental: But Art is long, and their Time is short. It is therefore propos'd that they learn those Things that are likely to be _most useful_ and _most ornamental_. Regard being had to the several Professions for which they are intended. All should be taught to write a _fair Hand_, and swift, as that is useful to All. And with it may be learnt something of (* 9) _Drawing_, by Imitation of Prints, and some of the first Principles of Perspective. (* 10) _Arithmetick_, _Accounts_, and some of the first Principles of _Geometry_ and _Astronomy_. The (* 11) _English_ Language might be taught by Grammar; in which some of our best Writers, as _Tillotson_, _Addison_, _Pope_, _Algernoon Sidney_, _Cato_'s Letters, _&c_. should be Classicks: The _Stiles_ principally to be cultivated, being the _clear_ and the _concise_. Reading should also be taught, and pronouncing, properly, distinctly, emphatically; not with an even Tone, which _under-does_, nor a theatrical, which _over-does_ Nature. To form their Stile, they should be put on Writing (* 12) Letters to each other, making Abstracts of what they read; or writing the same Things in their own Words; telling or writing Stories lately read, in their own Expressions. All to be revis'd and corrected by the Tutor, who should give his Reasons, explain the Force and Import of Words, _&c_. To form their (* 13) Pronunciation, they may be put on making Declamations, repeating Speeches, delivering Orations, _&c_. The Tutor assisting at the Rehearsals, teaching, advising, correcting their Accent, _&c_. But if (* 14) HISTORY be made a constant Part of their Reading, such as the Translations of the _Greek_ and _Roman_ Historians, and the modern Histories of antient _Greece_ and _Rome_, &c. may not almost all Kinds of useful Knowledge be that Way introduc'd to Advantage, and with Pleasure to the Student? As GEOGRAPHY, by reading with Maps, and being required to point out the Places _where_ the greatest Actions were done, to give their old and new Names, with the Bounds, Situation, Extent of the Countries concern'd, _&c_. CHRONOLOGY, by the Help of _Helvicus_ or some other Writer of the Kind, who will enable them to tell _when_ those Events happened; what Princes were Cotemporaries, what States or famous Men flourish'd about that Time, _&c_. The several principal Epochas to be first well fix'd in their Memories. ANTIENT CUSTOMS, religious and civil, being frequently mentioned in History, will give Occasion for explaining them; in which the (* 15) Prints of Medals, Basso Relievo's, and antient Monuments will greatly assist. MORALITY, (* 16) by descanting and making continual Observations on the Causes of the Rise or Fall of any Man's Character, Fortune, Power, _&c_. mention'd in History; the Advantages of Temperance, Order, Frugality, Industry, Perseverance, _&c_. _&c_. (* 17) Indeed the general natural Tendency of Reading good History, must be, to fix in the Minds of Youth deep Impressions of the Beauty and Usefulness of Virtue of all Kinds, Publick Spirit, Fortitude, _&c_. _History_ will show the wonderful Effects of ORATORY, in governing, turning and leading great Bodies of Mankind, Armies, Cities, Nations. When the Minds of Youth are struck with Admiration at this, (* 18) then is the Time to give them the Principles of that Art, which they will study with Taste and Application. Then they may be made acquainted with the best Models among the Antients, their Beauties being particularly pointed out to them. Modern Political Oratory being chiefly performed by the Pen and Press, its Advantages over the Antient in some Respects are to be shown; as that its Effects are more extensive, more lasting, _&c_. _History_ will also afford frequent Opportunities of showing the Necessity of a _Publick Religion_, from its Usefulness to the Publick; the Advantage of a Religious Character among private Persons; the Mischiefs of Superstition, _&c_. and the Excellency of the CHRISTIAN RELIGION above all others antient or modern (* 19). _History_ will also give Occasion to expatiate on the Advantage of Civil Orders and Constitutions, how Men and their Properties are protected by joining in Societies and establishing Government; their Industry encouraged and rewarded, Arts invented, and Life made more comfortable: The Advantages of _Liberty_, Mischiefs of _Licentiousness_, Benefits arising from good Laws and a due Execution of Justice, _&c_. Thus may the first Principles of sound (* 20) _Politicks_ be fix'd in the Minds of Youth. On _Historical_ Occasions, Questions of Right and Wrong, Justice and Injustice, will naturally arise, and may be put to Youth, which they may debate in Conversation and in Writing (* 21). When they ardently desire Victory, for the Sake of the Praise attending it, they will begin to feel the Want, and be sensible of the Use of _Logic_, or the Art of Reasoning to _discover_ Truth, and of Arguing to _defend_ it, and _convince_ Adversaries. This would be the Time to acquaint them with the Principles of that Art. _Grotius_, _Puffendorff_, and some other Writers of the same Kind, may be used on these Occasions to decide their Disputes. (* 22) Publick Disputes warm the Imagination, whet the Industry, and strengthen the natural Abilities. When Youth are told, that the Great Men whose Lives and Actions they read in History, spoke two of the best Languages that ever were, the most expressive, copious, beautiful; and that the finest Writings, the most correct Compositions, the most perfect Productions of human Wit and Wisdom, are in those Languages, which have endured Ages, and will endure while there are Men; that no Translation can do them Justice, or give the Pleasure found in Reading the Originals; that those Languages contain all Science; that one of them is become almost universal, being the Language of Learned Men in all Countries; that to understand them is a distinguishing Ornament, _&c_. they may be thereby made desirous of learning those Languages, and their Industry sharpen'd in the Acquisition of them. All intended for Divinity should be taught the _Latin_ and _Greek_; for Physick, the _Latin_, _Greek_ and _French_; for Law, the _Latin_ and _French_; Merchants, the _French_, _German_, and _Spanish_: And though all should not be compell'd to learn _Latin_, _Greek_, or the modern foreign Languages; yet none that have an ardent Desire to learn them should be refused; their _English_, Arithmetick, and other Studies absolutely necessary, being at the same Time not neglected. If the new _Universal History_ were also read, it would give a _connected_ Idea of human Affairs, so far as it goes, which should be follow'd by the best modern Histories, particularly of our Mother Country; then of these Colonies; which should be accompanied with Observations on their Rise, Encrease, Use to _Great-Britain_, Encouragements, Discouragements, _&c_. the Means to make them flourish, secure their Liberties, _&c_. With the History of Men, Times and Nations, should be read at proper Hours or Days, some of the best _Histories of Nature_ (* 23), which would not only be delightful to Youth, and furnish them with Matter for their Letters, _&c_. as well as other History; but afterwards of great Use to them, whether they are Merchants, Handicrafts, or Divines; enabling the first the better to understand many Commodities, Drugs, _&c_. the second to improve his Trade or Handicraft by new Mixtures, Materials, _&c_. and the last to adorn his Discourses by beautiful Comparisons, and strengthen them by new Proofs of Divine Providence. The Conversation of all will be improved by it, as Occasions frequently occur of making Natural Observations, which are instructive, agreeable, and entertaining in almost all Companies. _Natural History_ will also afford Opportunities of introducing many Observations, relating to the Preservation of Health, which may be afterwards of great Use. _Arbuthnot_ on Air and _Aliment_, _Sanctorius_ on Perspiration, _Lemery_ on Foods, and some others, may now be read, and a very little Explanation will make them sufficiently intelligible to Youth. While they are reading Natural History, might not a little _Gardening_, _Planting_, _Grafting_, _Inoculating_, &c. be taught and practised; and now and then Excursions made to the neighbouring Plantations of the best Farmers, their Methods observ'd and reason'd upon for the Information of Youth. The Improvement of Agriculture being useful to all (* 24), and Skill in it no Disparagement to any. The History of _Commerce_, of the Invention of Arts, Rise of Manufactures, Progress of Trade, Change of its Seats, with the Reasons, Causes, _&c_. may also be made entertaining to Youth, and will be useful to all. And this, with the Accounts in other History of the prodigious Force and Effect of Engines and Machines used in War, will naturally introduce a Desire to be instructed in (* 25) _Mechanicks_, and to be inform'd of the Principles of that Art by which weak Men perform such Wonders, Labour is sav'd, Manufactures expedited, _&c. &c_. This will be the Time to show them Prints of antient and modern Machines, to explain them, to let them be (* 26) copied, and to give Lectures in Mechanical Philosophy. With the whole should be constantly inculcated and cultivated, that _Benignity of Mind_ (* 27), which shows itself in _searching for_ and _seizing_ every Opportunity _to serve_ and _to oblige_; and is the Foundation of what is called GOOD BREEDING; highly useful to the Possessor, and most agreeable to all (* 28). The Idea of what is _true Merit_, should also be often presented to Youth, explain'd and impress'd on their Minds, as consisting in an _Inclination_ join'd with an _Ability_ to serve Mankind, one's Country, Friends and Family; which _Ability_ is (with the Blessing of God) to be acquir'd or greatly encreas'd by _true Learning_; and should indeed be the great _Aim_ and (* 29) _End_ of all Learning. (* 1) As some Things here propos'd may be found to differ a little from the Forms of Education in common Use, the following Quotations are to shew the Opinions of several learned Men, who have carefully considered and wrote expresly on the Subject; such as _Milton_, _Locke_, _Rollin_, _Turnbull_, and others. They generally complain, that the _old Method_ is in many Respects wrong; but long settled Forms are not easily changed. For us, who are now to make a Beginning, 'tis, at least, as easy to set out right as wrong; and therefore their Sentiments are on this Occasion well worth our Consideration. Mr. _Rollin_ says (_Belles Lett. p._ 249. speaking of the Manner of Educating Youth) "Though it be generally a very wise and judicious Rule to avoid all Singularity, and to follow the received Customs, yet I question whether, in the Point we now treat of, this Principle does not admit of some Exception, and whether we ought not to apprehend the Dangers and Inconveniencies of blindly following the Footsteps of those who have gone before us, so as to consult _Custom_ more than _Reason_, and the governing our Actions rather by what others _do_, than by what they _should do_; from whence it often happens, that an Error once established is handed down from Age to Age, and becomes almost a certain Law, from a Notion, that we ought to act like the rest of Mankind, and follow the Example of the greatest Number. But human Nature is not so happy as to have the greatest Number always make the best Choice, and we too frequently observe the contrary." (* 2) _Rollin_, Vol. 2. p. 371. mentions a _French_ Gentleman, Mons. _Hersan_, who, "at his own Expence, built a School for the Use of poor Children, one of the finest in the Kingdom; and left a Stipend for the Master. That he himself taught them very often, and generally had some of them at his Table. He clothed several of them; and distributed Rewards among them from Time to Time, in order to encourage them to study." (* 3) Something seems wanting in _America_ to incite and stimulate Youth to Study. In _Europe_ the Encouragements to Learning are of themselves much greater than can be given here. Whoever distinguishes himself there, in either of the three learned Professions, gains Fame, and often Wealth and Power: A poor Man's Son has a Chance, if he studies hard, to rise, either in the Law or the Church, to gainful Offices or Benefices; to an extraordinary Pitch of Grandeur; to have a Voice in Parliament, a Seat among the Peers; as a Statesman or first Minister to govern Nations, and even to mix his Blood with Princes. (* 4) Besides the _English_ Library begun and carried on by Subscription in _Philadelphia_, we may expect the Benefit of another much more valuable in the Learned Languages, which has been many Years collecting with the greatest Care, by a Gentleman distinguish'd for his universal Knowledge, no less than for his Judgment in Books. It contains many hundred Volumes of the best Authors in the best Editions, among which are the _Polyglot_ Bible, and _Castel_'s Lexicon on it, in 8 large Vols. _Aldus_'s Septuagint, Apocrypha and New Testament, in _Greek_, and some other Editions of the same; most of the Fathers; almost all the _Greek_ Authors from _Homer_ himself, in divers Editions (and one of them in that of _Rome_, with _Eustathius_'s Commentaries, in 4 Vols.) to near the End of the 4th Century, with divers later, as _Photius_, _Suidas_, divers of the _Byzantine_ Historians; all the old Mathematicians, as _Archimedes_, _Apollonius_, _Euclid_, _Ptolomy_'s Geography and Almagest, with _Theon_'s Commentaries and _Diophantus_, in the whole above 100 Vols. in _Greek_ Folio's. All the old _Roman_ Classics without Exception, and some of them in several Editions (as all _Tully_'s Works in four Editions). All _Graevius_, _Gronovius_, _Salengre_'s and _Poleni_'s Collections of _Roman_ and _Greek_ Antiquities, containing above Five Hundred distinct Discourses in 33 Tomes, with some Hundreds of late Authors in _Latin_, as _Vossius_, _Lipsius_, _Grotius_, &c. A good Collection of Mathematical Pieces, as _Newton_ in all the three Editions, _Wallis_, _Huygens_, _Tacquet_, _Dechales_, &c. in near 100 Vols. in all Sizes, with some _Orientals_, _French_ and _Italian_ Authors, and many more _English_, &c. A handsome Building above 60 Feet in front, is now erected in this City, at the private Expence of that Gentleman, for the Reception of this Library, where it is soon to be deposited, and remain for the publick Use, with a valuable yearly Income duly to enlarge it; and I have his Permission to mention it as an Encouragement to the propos'd Academy; to which this noble Benefaction will doubtless be of the greatest Advantage, as not only the Students, but even the Masters themselves, may very much improve by it. (* 5) See in _Turnbull_, p. 415. the Description of the Furniture of the School called the _Instituto_ at _Bologna_, procur'd by the Care and Direction of Count _Marsigli_, and originally at his private Expence. (* 6) Perhaps it would be best if none of the Scholars were to diet abroad. _Milton_ is of that Opinion (_Tractate of Education_) for that much Time would else be lost, and many ill Habits got. (* 7) _Milton_ proposes, that an Hour and Half before Dinner should be allow'd for Exercise, and recommends among other Exercises, the handling of Arms, but perhaps this may not be thought necessary here. _Turnbull_, p. 318. says, "Corporal Exercise invigorates the Soul as well as the Body; let one be kept closely to Reading, without allowing him any Respite from Thinking, or any Exercise to his Body, and were it possible to preserve long, by such a Method, his Liking to Study and Knowledge, yet we should soon find such an one become no less soft in his Mind than in his outward Man. Both Mind and Body would thus become gradually too relaxed, too much unbraced for the Fatigues and Duties of active Life. Such is the Union between Soul and Body, that the same Exercises which are conducive, when rightly managed, to consolidate or strengthen the former, are likewise equally necessary and fit to produce Courage, Firmness, and manly Vigour, in the latter. For this, and other Reasons, certain hardy Exercises were reckoned by the Antients an essential Part in the Formation of a liberal Character; and ought to have their Place in Schools where Youth are taught the Languages and Sciences." (* 8) 'Tis suppos'd that every Parent would be glad to have their Children skill'd in _Swimming_, if it might be learnt in a Place chosen for its Safety, and under the Eye of a careful Person. Mr. _Locke_ says, p. 9. in his _Treatise of Education_; "'Tis that saves many a Man's Life; and the _Romans_ thought it so necessary, that they rank'd it with Letters; and it was the common Phrase to mark one ill educated, and good for nothing, that he had neither learnt to read nor to swim; _Nec Literas didicit nec Natare_. But besides the gaining a Skill which may serve him at Need, the Advantages to Health by often Bathing in cold Water during the Heat of the Summer, are so many, that I think nothing need be said to encourage it." 'Tis some Advantage besides, to be free from the slavish Terrors many of those feel who cannot swim, when they are oblig'd to be on the Water even in crossing a Ferry. Mr. _Hutchinson_, in his _Dialogues concerning Education_, 2 Vols. Octavo, lately publish'd, says, Vol. 2. p. 297. "I would have the Youth accustomed to such Exercises as will harden their Constitution, as Riding, Running, Swimming, Shooting, and the like." _Charlemagne_, Founder of the _German_ Empire, brought up his Sons hardily, and even his Daughters were inur'd to Industry. _Henry_ the Great of _France_, saith Mons. _Rhodez_, "was not permitted by his Grand-father to be brought up with Delicacy, who well knew that _seldom lodgeth other than a mean and feeble Spirit in an effeminate and tender Body._ He commanded that the Boy should be accustomed to run, to leap, to climb the Rocks and Mountains; that by such Means he might be inured to Labour, _&c_. His ordinary Food also was of coarse Bread, Beef, Cheese and Garlick; his Cloathing plain and coarse, and often he went barefoot and bareheaded." _Walker_ of Education, p. 17, 18. (* 9) Drawing_ is a kind of Universal Language, understood by all Nations. A Man may often express his Ideas, even to his own Countrymen, more clearly with a Lead Pencil, or Bit of Chalk, than with his Tongue. And many can understand a Figure, that do not comprehend a Description in Words, tho' ever so properly chosen. All Boys have an early Inclination to this Improvement, and begin to make Figures of Animals, Ships, Machines, _&c._ as soon as they can use a Pen: But for want of a little Instruction at that Time, generally are discouraged, and quit the Pursuit. Mr. _Locke_ says, p. 234. "When your Son can write well and quick, I think it may be convenient not only to continue the Exercise of his Hand in Writing, but also to improve the Use of it further in _Drawing_; a Thing very useful to a Gentleman on several Occasions; but especially if he travel; as that which helps a Man often to express in a _few Lines_ well put together, what a _whole Sheet of Paper in Writing_ would not be able to represent and make intelligible. How many Buildings may a Man see, how many _Machines_ and Habits meet with, the Ideas whereof would be easily retain'd, and communicated by a little Skill in Drawing; which being committed to Words, are in Danger to be lost, or at best but ill retained in the most exact Descriptions? I do not mean that I would have him a perfect Painter; to be that to any tolerable Degree, will require more Time than he can spare from his other Improvements of greater Moment. But so much Insight into Perspective and Skill in Drawing, as will enable him to represent tolerably on Paper any Thing he sees, except Faces, may, I think, be got in a little Time." _Drawing_ is no less useful to a _Mechanic_ than to a Gentleman. Several Handicrafts seem to require it; as the Carpenter's, Shipwright's, Engraver's, Painter's, Carver's, Cabinet-maker's, Gardiner's, and other Businesses. By a little Skill of this kind, the Workman may perfect his own Idea of the Thing to be done, before he begins to work; and show a Draft for the Encouragement and Satisfaction of his Employer. (* 10) Mr. _Locke_ is of Opinion, p. 269. that a Child should be early enter'd in Arithmetick, Geography, Chronology, History and Geometry. "Merchants Accounts, he says, if it is not necessary to help a Gentleman to _get_ an Estate, yet there is nothing of more Use and Efficacy to make him _preserve_ the Estate he has. 'Tis seldom observ'd that he who keeps an Account of his Income and Expences, and thereby has constantly under View the Course of his Domestic Affairs, lets them run to Ruin: And I doubt not but many a Man gets behind-hand before he is aware, or runs farther on when he is once in, for want of this Care, or the Skill to do it. I would therefore advise all Gentlemen to learn perfectly _Merchants Accounts_; and not to think 'tis a Skill that belongs not to them, because it has received its Name, and has been chiefly practis'd by Men of Traffick." p. 316. Not only the _Skill_, but the _Habit_ of keeping Accounts, should be acquir'd by all, as being necessary to all. (* 11) Mr. _Locke_, speaking of _Grammar_, p. 252. says, "That to those the greatest Part of whose Business in this World is to be done with their Tongues, and with their Pens, it is convenient, if not necessary, that they should speak properly and correctly, whereby they may let their Thoughts into other Mens Minds the more easily, and with the greater Impression. Upon this Account it is, that any sort of Speaking, so as will make him be understood, is not thought enough for a Gentleman. He ought to study _Grammar_, among the other Helps of Speaking well, but it _must be_ THE GRAMMAR OF HIS OWN TONGUE, of the Language he uses, that he may understand his own Country Speech nicely, and speak it properly, without shocking the Ears of those it is addressed to with Solecisms and offensive Irregularities. And to this Purpose _Grammar is necessary_; but it is the Grammar _only_ of _their own proper Tongues_, and to those who would take Pains in cultivating their Language, and perfecting their Stiles. Whether all Gentlemen should not do this, I leave to be considered, since the Want of Propriety and Grammatical Exactness is thought very misbecoming one of that Rank, and usually draws on one guilty of such Faults, the Imputation of having had a lower Breeding and worse Company than suits with his Quality. If this be so (as I suppose it is) it will be Matter of Wonder, why young Gentlemen are forc'd to learn the Grammars of foreign and dead Languages, and are never once told of the Grammar of their own Tongues. They do not so much as know there is any such Thing, much less is it made their Business to be instructed in it. Nor is their own Language ever propos'd to them as worthy their Care and Cultivating, tho' they have _daily Use_ of it, and are not seldom, in the future Course of their Lives, judg'd of by their handsome or awkward Way of expressing themselves in it. Whereas the Languages whose Grammars they have been so much employed in, are such as probably they shall scarce ever speak or write; or if upon Occasion this should happen, they should be excused for the Mistakes and Faults they make in it. Would not a _Chinese_, who took Notice of this Way of Breeding, be apt to imagine, that all our young Gentlemen were designed to be Teachers and Professors of the dead Languages of foreign Countries, and not to be Men of Business in their own." Page 255. the same Author adds, "That if Grammar ought to be taught at any Time, it must be to one that can speak the Language already; how else can he be taught the Grammar of it? This at least is evident from the Practice of the wise and learned Nations among the Antients. They made it a _Part of Education_ to cultivate _their own_, not foreign Tongues. The _Greeks_ counted all other Nations barbarous, and had a Contempt for their Languages. And though the _Greek_ Learning grew in Credit amongst the _Romans_ towards the End of their Commonwealth, yet it was the _Roman_ Tongue that was made the Study of their Youth: _Their own_ Language they were to make Use of, and therefore it was _their own_ Language they were _instructed_ and _exercised_ in." And p. 281. "There can scarce be a greater Defect (says he) in a Gentleman, than not to express himself well either in Writing or Speaking. But yet I think I may ask the Reader, whether he doth not know a great many, who live upon their Estates, and so, with the Name, should have the Qualities of Gentlemen, who cannot so much as tell a Story as they should, much less speak clearly and persuasively in any Business. This I think not to be so much their Fault as the _Fault of their Education_." Thus far _Locke_. Mons. _Rollin_, reckons the Neglect of Teaching their own Tongue a great Fault in the _French_ Universities. He spends great Part of his first Vol. of _Belles Lettres_, on that Subject; and lays down some excellent Rules or Methods of Teaching _French_ to _Frenchmen_ grammatically, and making them Masters therein, which are very applicable to our Language, but too long to be inserted here. He practis'd them on the Youth under his Care with great Success. Mr. _Hutchinson_, Dial. p. 297. says, "To perfect them in the Knowledge of their Mother Tongue, they should learn it in the Grammatical Way, that they may not only speak it purely, but be able both to correct their own Idiom, and afterwards enrich the Language on the same Foundation." Dr. _Turnbull_, in his Observations on a liberal Education, says, p. 262. "The _Greeks_, perhaps, made more early Advances in the most useful Sciences than any Youth have done since, chiefly on this Account, that they studied no other Language but their own. This no Doubt saved them very much Time; but they _applied themselves carefully_ to the Study of _their own_ Language, and were _early_ able to speak and write it in _the greatest Perfection_. The _Roman_ Youth, though they learned the _Greek_, did not neglect their own Tongue, but studied it more carefully than we now do _Greek_ and _Latin_, without giving ourselves any Trouble about our own Tongue." Mons. _Simon_, in an elegant Discourse of his among the Memoirs of the Academy of _Belles Lettres_ at _Paris_, speaking of the Stress the _Romans_ laid on Purity of Language and graceful Pronunciation, adds, "May I here make a Reflection on the Education we commonly give our Children? It is very remote from the Precepts I have mentioned. Hath the Child arrived to six or seven Years of Age, he mixes with a Herd of ill-bred Boys at School, where under the Pretext of Teaching him _Latin_, no Regard is had to his _Mother Tongue_. And what happens? What we see every Day. A young Gentleman of eighteen, who has had this Education, CANNOT READ. For to articulate the Words, and join them together, I do not call _Reading_, unless one can pronounce well, observe all the proper Stops, vary the Voice, express the Sentiments, and read with a delicate Intelligence. Nor can he speak a Jot better. A Proof of this is, that he cannot write ten Lines without committing gross Faults; and because he did not learn his own Language well in his early Years, he will never know it well. I except a few, who being afterwards engaged by their Profession, or their natural Taste, cultivate their Minds by Study. And yet even they, if they attempt to write, will find by the _Labour_ Composition costs them, what a _Loss it is_, not to have learned their Language in the proper Season. Education among the _Romans_ was upon a quite different Footing. Masters of Rhetoric taught them early the Principles, the Difficulties, the Beauties, the Subtleties, the Depths, the Riches of their own Language. When they went from these Schools, they were perfect Masters of it, they were never at a Loss for proper Expressions; and I am much deceived if it was not owing to this, that they produced such excellent Works with so _marvellous Facility_." _Pliny_, in his Letter to a Lady on chusing a Tutor for her Son, speaks of it as the most material Thing in his Education, that he should have a good _Latin_ Master of Rhetoric, and recommends _Julius Genitor_ for his _eloquent, open and plain Faculty of Speaking_. He does not advise her to a _Greek_ Master of Rhetoric, tho' the _Greeks_ were famous for that Science; but to a _Latin_ Master, because _Latin_ was the Boy's Mother Tongue. In the above Quotation from Mons. _Simon_, we see what was the Office and Duty of the Master of Rhetoric. (* 12) This Mr. _Locke_ recommends, _Educ. p._ 284. and says, "The Writing of Letters has so much to do in all the Occurrences of human Life, that no Gentleman can avoid shewing himself in this Kind of Writing. Occasions will daily force him to make this Use of his Pen, which, besides the Consequences that, in his Affairs, the well or ill managing it often draws after it, always lays him open to a severer Examination of his Breeding, Sense and Abilities, than oral Discourses, whose transient Faults dying for the most Part with the Sound that gives them Life, and so not subject to a strict Review, more easily escape Observation and Censure." He adds, "Had the Methods of Education been directed to their right End, one would have thought this so necessary a Part could not have been neglected, whilst Themes and Verses in _Latin_, of no Use at all, were so constantly every where pressed, to the Racking of Childrens Inventions beyond their Strength, and hindring their chearful Progress by unnatural Difficulties. But Custom has so ordained it, and who dares disobey? And would it not be very unreasonable to require of a learned Country Schoolmaster (who has all the Tropes and Figures in _Farnaby_'s Rhetorick at his Finger's Ends) to teach his Scholar to express himself handsomely in _English_, when it appears to be so little his Business or Thought, that the Boy's Mother (despised, 'tis like, as illiterate for not having read a System of Logic or Rhetoric) outdoes him in it? "To speak and write correctly, gives a Grace, and gains a favourable Attention to what one has to say: And since 'tis _English_ that an _Englishman_ will have constant Use of, that is the Language he should chiefly cultivate, and wherein most Care should be taken to polish and perfect his Stile. To speak or write better _Latin_ than _English_, may make a Man be talk'd of, but he will find it more to his Purpose to express himself well in his own Tongue, that he uses every Moment, than to have the vain Commendation of others for a very insignificant Quality. This I find universally neglected, nor no Care taken any where to improve young Men in their own Language, that they may thoroughly understand and be Masters of it. If any one among us have a Facility or Purity more than ordinary in his Mother Tongue, it is owing to Chance, or his Genius, or any Thing, rather than to his Education, or any Care of his Teacher. To mind what _English_ his Pupil speaks or writes, is below the Dignity of one bred up among _Greek_ and _Latin_, tho' he have but little of them himself. These are the Learned Languages, fit only for Learned Men to meddle with and teach: _English_ is the Language of the illiterate Vulgar. Though the Great Men among the _Romans_ were daily exercising themselves in their own Language; and we find yet upon Record the Names of Orators who taught some of their Emperors _Latin_, tho' it were their Mother Tongue. 'Tis plain the _Greeks_ were yet more nice in theirs. All other Speech was barbarous to them but their own, and no foreign Language appears to have been studied or valued amongst that learned and acute People; tho' it be past Doubt, that they borrowed their Learning and Philosophy from abroad. "I am not here speaking against _Greek_ and _Latin_. I think _Latin_ at least ought to be well understood by every Gentleman. But whatever foreign Languages a young Man meddles with, that which he should critically study, and labour to get a Facility, Clearness and Elegancy to express himself in, should be _his own_; and to this Purpose _he should daily be_ EXERCISED in it." To the same Purpose writes a Person of eminent Learning in a Letter to Dr. _Turnbull_: "Nothing certainly (says he) can be of more Service to Mankind than a right Method of Educating the Youth, and I should be glad to hear ------ ------ to give an Example of the great Advantage it would be to the _rising Age_, and to our Nation. When our publick Schools were first establish'd, the Knowledge of _Latin_ was thought Learning; and he that had a tolerable Skill in two or three Languages, tho' his Mind was not enlightened by any _real Knowledge_, was a profound Scholar. But it is not so at present; and People confess, that Men may have obtained a Perfection in these, and yet continue _deeply ignorant_. The _Greek_ Education was of another Kind [which he describes in several Particulars, and adds] They studied to write their _own Tongue_ more accurately than we do _Latin_ and _Greek_. But where is _English_ taught at present? Who thinks it of Use to study correctly _that Language_ which he is to use _every Day_ in his Life, be his Station ever so high, or ever so insignificant. It is in _this_ the Nobility and Gentry defend their Country, and serve their Prince in Parliament; in _this_ the Lawyers plead, the Divines instruct, and all Ranks of People write their Letters, and transact all their Affairs; and yet who thinks it worth his learning to write _this_ even accurately, not to say politely? Every one is suffer'd to form his Stile by Chance; to imitate the first wretched Model which falls in his Way, before he knows what is faulty, or can relish the Beauties of a just Simplicity. Few think their Children qualified for a Trade till they have been whipt at a _Latin_ School for five or six Years, to learn a little of that which they are oblig'd to forget; when in those Years right Education would have improv'd their Minds, and taught them to acquire Habits of Writing _their own Language_ easily under right Direction; and this would have been useful to them as long as they lived." _Introd. p. 3, 4, 5. Since Mr. _Locke_'s Time, several good Grammars have been wrote and publish'd for the Use of Schools; as _Brightland_'s, _Greenwood_'s, &c. (* 13) By Pronunciation is here meant, the proper Modulation of the Voice, to suit the Subject with due Emphasis, Action, _&c_. In delivering a Discourse in Publick, design'd to persuade, the _Manner_, perhaps, contributes more to Success, than either the _Matter_ or _Method_. Yet the two latter seem to engross the Attention of most Preachers and other Publick Speakers, and the former to be almost totally neglected. (* 14) As nothing _teaches_ (saith Mr. _Locke_) so nothing _delights_ more than HISTORY. The first of these recommends it to the Study of grown Men, the latter makes me think it the _fittest_ for a young Lad, who as soon as he is instructed in Chronology, and acquainted with the several Epochas in Use in this Part of the World, and can reduce them to the _Julian_ Period, should then have some History put into his Hand. _Educ. p._ 276. Mons. _Rollin_ complains, that the College Education in _France_ is defective in Teaching _History_, which he thinks may be made of great Advantage to Youth. This he demonstrates largely in his _Belles Lettres_, to the Satisfaction of all that read the Book. He lays down the following Rules for Studying History, _viz_. 1. To reduce the Study to Order and Method. 2. To observe what relates to Usages and Customs. 3. To enquire particularly, and above all Things, after the Truth. 4. To endeavour to find out the Causes of the Rise and Fall of States, of the Gaining or Losing of Battles, and other Events of Importance. 5. To study the Character of the Nations and great Men mentioned in History. 6. To be attentive to such Instructions as concern MORAL EXCELLENCY and the CONDUCT OF LIFE. 7. Carefully to note every Thing that relates to RELIGION: _Vol._ 3. _p._ 146. (* 15) Plenty of these are to be met with in _Montfaucon_; and other Books of Antiquities. (* 16) For the Importance and Necessity of moral Instructions to Youth, see the latter Notes. (* 17) Dr. _Turnbull_, Liberal Education, _p._ 371, says, "That the useful Lessons which ought to be inculcated upon Youth, are much better taught and enforced from _Characters_, _Actions_, and _Events_, developing the inward Springs of human Conduct, and the different Consequences of Actions, whether with Respect to private or publick Good, than by abstract Philosophical Lectures. History points out in Examples, as in a Glass, all the Passions of the human Heart, and all their various Workings in different Circumstances, all the Virtues and all the Vices human Nature is capable of; all the Snares, all the Temptations, all the Vicissitudes and Incidents of human Life; and gives Occasion for Explaining all the Rules of Prudence, Decency, Justice and Integrity, in private Oeconomy, and in short all the Laws of natural Reason." (* 18) "Rules are best understood, when Examples that confirm them, and point out their Fitness or Necessity, naturally lead one, as it were by the Hand, to take Notice of them. One who is persuaded and moved by a Speech, and heartily admires its Force and Beauty, will with Pleasure enter into a critical Examination of its Excellencies; and willingly lay up in his Mind the Rules of Rhetoric such an Example of Eloquence plainly suggests. But to teach Rules abstractly, or without Examples, and before the agreeable Effects the Observance of them tends to produce (which are in Reality their Reason or Foundation) have been felt, _is exceedingly preposterous_." _Turnbull_, p. 410. "I have seldom or never observed any one to get the Skill of Speaking handsomely, by Studying the Rules which pretend to teach Rhetoric." _Locke_, p. 279. (* 19) See _Turnbull_ on this Head, from p. 386 to 390. very much to the Purpose, but too long to be transcribed here. (* 20) Thus, as _Milton_ says, _Educ_. p. 381. should they be instructed in the Beginning, End and Reasons of political Societies; that they may not, in a dangerous Fit of the Commonwealth, be such poor, shaken, uncertain Reeds, of such a tottering Conscience, as many of our great Councellors have lately shewn themselves, but stedfast Pillars of the State. (* 21) After this, they are to dive into the Grounds of Law and legal Justice; deliver'd first and with best Warrant by _Moses_; and as far as human Prudence can be trusted, in those celebrated Remains of the antient _Grecian_ and _Roman_ Lawgivers, _&c_. p. 382. "When he has pretty well digested _Tully_'s Offices, says Mr. _Locke_, p. 277. and added to it _Puffendorff de Officio Hominis & Civis_, it may be seasonable to set him upon _Grotius, de Jure Belli & Pacis_, or which perhaps is the better of the two, _Puffendorff de Jure naturali & Gentium_; wherein he will be instructed in the natural Rights of Men, and the Original and Foundations of Society, and the Duties resulting from thence. This _general Part of Civil Law_ and History are Studies which a Gentleman should not barely touch at, but constantly dwell upon, and never have done with. A virtuous and well-behaved young Man, that is well versed in the _general Part of the Civil Law_ (which concerns not the Chicane of private Cases, but the Affairs and Intercourse of civilized Nations in general, grounded upon Principles of Reason) understands _Latin_ well, and can write a good Hand, one may turn loose into the World, with great Assurance that he will find Employment and Esteem every where." (* 22) Mr. _Walker_, in his excellent Treatise of the Education of young Gentlemen, speaking of _Publick and open Argumentation pro and con_, says p. 124, 125. "_This is it_ which brings a Question to a Point, and discovers the very Center and Knot of the Difficulty. _This_ warms and _activates_ the Spirit in the Search of Truth, excites Notions, and by replying and frequent Beating upon it, _cleanseth_ it from the Ashes, and makes it shine and flame out the clearer. Besides, it puts them upon a continual _Stretch_ of their Wits to defend their Cause, it makes them quick in Replies, intentive upon their Subject; where the _Opponent_ useth all Means to drive his Adversary from his Hold; and the _Answerer_ defends himself _sometimes_ with the Force of Truth, _sometimes_ with the Subtilty of his Wit; and _sometimes_ also he escapes in a Mist of Words, and the Doubles of a Distinction, whilst he seeks all Holes and Recesses to shelter his persecuted Opinion and Reputation. This properly belongeth to the Disputations which are Exercises of young Students, who are by these Velitations and in this Palaestra brought up to a more serious Search of Truth. And in them I think it not a Fault _to dispute for Victory_, and to endeavour to save their Reputation; nor that their Questions and Subjects are concerning Things of small Moment and little Reality; yea, I have known some Governors that have absolutely forbidden such Questions, where the Truth was of Concernment, on purpose that the Youth might have the Liberty of exerting their Parts to the uttermost, and that there might be no Stint to their Emulation." (* 23) _Rollin_, _Vol._ 4. _p._ 211. speaking of _Natural Philosophy_, says, "That much of it falls within the Capacity of all Sorts of Persons, even of Children. It consists in attending to the Objects with which nature presents us, in considering them with Care, and admiring their different Beauties, _&c_. Searching out their secret Causes indeed more properly belongs to the Learned. "I say that even Children are capable of Studying Nature, for they have Eyes, and don't want Curiosity; they ask Questions, and love to be informed; and here we need only awaken and keep up in them the Desire of Learning and Knowing, which is natural to all Mankind. Besides this Study, if it is to be called a Study, instead of being painful and tedious, is pleasant and agreeable; it may be used as a Recreation, and should usually be made a Diversion. It is inconceivable, how many Things Children are capable of, if all the Opportunities of Instructing them were laid hold of, with which they themselves supply us. "A Garden, a Country, a Plantation, are all so many Books which lie open to them; but they must have been taught and accustomed to read in them. Nothing is more common amongst us than the Use of Bread and Linnen. How seldom do Children know how either of them are prepared, through how many Operations and Hands the Corn and Flax must pass, before they are turned into Bread and Linnen? The same may be said of Cloth, which bears no Resemblance to the Wool whereof it is formed, any more than Paper to the Rags which are picked up in the Streets: And why should not Children be instructed in these wonderful Works of Nature and Art which they every Day make Use of without reflecting upon them? "He adds, that a careful Master may in this Way enrich the Mind of his Disciple with a great Number of useful and agreeable Ideas, and by a properMixture of short Reflections, will at the same Time take Care to form his Heart, and lead him by Nature to Religion." _Milton_ also recommends the Study of _Natural Philosophy_ to Youth, _Educ. p._ 380. "In this, says he, they may proceed leisurely from the History of Meteors, Minerals, Plants and living Creatures, as far as Anatomy; Then also in Course might be read to them out of some not tedious Writer, the Institution of Physick; that they may know the Tempers, the Humours, the Seasons, and how to manage a Crudity; which he who can wisely and timely do, is not only a great Physician to himself, and to his Friends, but also may at some Time or other save an Army by this frugal and expenseless Means only; and not let the healthy and stout Bodies of young Men rot away under him for want of this Discipline, which is a great Pity, and no less a Shame to the Commander." Proper Books may be, _Ray_'s _Wisdom of God in the Creation_, _Derham_'s _Physico-Theology_, _Spectacle de la Nature_, &c. (* 24) _Milton_ would have the _Latin_ Authors on Agriculture taught at School, as _Cato_, _Varro_ and _Columella_; "for the Matter, says he, is most easy, and if the Language be difficult, yet it may be master'd. And here will be an Occasion of _inciting_ and _enabling_ them hereafter to improve the Tillage of their Country, to recover the bad Soil, and to remedy the Waste that is made of Good; for this was one of _Hercules'_ Praises." _Educ. p._ 379. _Hutcheson_ (Dialogues on Educ. 303, 2d Vol.) says, "Nor should I think it below the Dignity or Regard of an University, to descend even to the general Precepts of _Agriculture_ and _Gardening_. _Virgil_, _Varro_, and others eminent in Learning, tho't it not below their Pen -- and why should we think meanly of that Art, which was the Mother of Heroes, and of the Masters of the World." _Locke_ also recommends the Study of Husbandry and Gardening, as well as gaining an Insight in several of the manual Arts; _Educ. p._ 309, 314, 315. It would be a Pleasure and Diversion to Boys to be led now and then to the Shops of Artificers, and suffer'd to spend some Time there in observing their Manner of Working. For the Usefulness of Mechanic Skill, even to Gentlemen, see the Pages above cited, to which much might be added. (* 25) How many Mills are built and Machines constructed, at great and fruitless Expence, which a little Knowledge in the Principles of Mechanics would have prevented? (* 26) We are often told in the Journals of Travellers, that such and such Things are done in foreign Countries, by which Labour is sav'd, and Manufactures expedited, _&c_. but their Description of the Machines or Instruments used, are quite unintelligible for want of good Drafts. Copying Prints of Machines is of Use to fix the Attention on the several Parts, their Proportions, Reasons, Effects, _&c_. A Man that has been us'd to this Practice, is not only better able to make a Draft when the Machine is before him, but takes so much better Notice of its Appearance, that he can carry it off by Memory when he has not the Opportunity of Drawing it on the Spot. Thus may a Traveller bring home Things of great Use to his Country. (* 27) "Upon this excellent Disposition (says _Turnbull_, p. 326.) it will be _easy to build_ that amiable Quality commonly called GOOD BREEDING, and upon _no other Foundation_ can it be raised. For whence else can it spring, but from a general Good-will and Regard for all People, deeply rooted in the Heart, which makes any one that has it, careful not to shew in his Carriage, any Contempt, Disrespect, or Neglect of them, but to express a Value and Respect for them according to their Rank and Condition, suitable to the Fashion and Way of their Country? 'Tis a Disposition to make all we converse with easy and well pleased." (* 28) It is this lovely Quality which gives true Beauty to all other Accomplishments, or renders them useful to their Possessor, in procuring him the Esteem and Good-will of all that he comes near. Without it, his other Qualities, however good in themselves, make him but pass for proud, conceited, vain or foolish. Courage, says an excellent Writer, in an ill-bred Man has the Air, and escapes not the Opinion of Brutality; Learning becomes Pedantry; Wit, Buffoonery; Plainness, Rusticity; and there cannot be a good Quality in him which Ill-breeding will not warp and disfigure to his Disadvantage." _Turnbull_, p. 327. (* 29) To have in View the _Glory_ and _Service of God_, as some express themselves, is only the same Thing in other Words. For _Doing Good to Men_ is the _only Service of God_ in our Power; and to _imitate his Beneficence_ is to _glorify him_. Hence _Milton_ says, "The _End_ of Learning is to repair the Ruins of our first Parents, by regaining to _know God aright_, and out of that Knowledge to _love him_, to _imitate_ him, to be _like him_, as we may the nearest by possessing our Souls of true Virtue." _Educ. p._ 373. Mr. _Hutcheson_ says, _Dial_. v. 2. _p._ 97. "The _principal End_ of Education is, to _form us wise and good Creatures, useful to others, and happy ourselves_. The whole Art of Education lies within a narrow Compass, and is reducible to a very simple Practice; namely, _To assist in unfolding those Natural and Moral Powers with which Man is endowed, by presenting proper Objects and Occasions; to watch their Growth that they be not diverted from their End, or disturbed in their Operation by any foreign Violence; and gently to conduct and apply them to all the Purposes of private and of public Life_." And Mr. _Locke_ (p. 84. Educ.) says, "'Tis VIRTUE, then, direct VIRTUE, which is to be _aim'd at_ in Education. All other Considerations and Accomplishments are nothing in Comparison to this. This is the _solid_ and _substantial_ Good, which Tutors should not only read Lectures and talk of, but the _Labour_ and _Art of Education_ should furnish the Mind with, and _fasten_ there, and never cease till the young Man had a true Relish of it, and plac'd his _Strength_, his _Glory_, and his _Pleasure_, in it." And Mons. _Rollin_, _Belles Lettres_, Vol. 4. p. 249. to the same Purpose, "If we consult our Reason ever so little, it is easy to discern that the END which Masters should have in View, is not barely to teach their Scholars _Greek_ and _Latin_, to learn them to make Exercises and Verses, to charge their Memory with Facts and historical Dates, to draw up Syllogisms in Form, or to trace Lines and Figures upon Paper. These Branches of Learning I own are useful and valuable, but as _Means_, and not as the _End_; when they conduct us to other Things, and not when we stop at them; when they serve us as Preparatives and Instruments for better Knowledge, without which the rest would be useless. Youth would have Cause to complain, if they were condemned to spend eight or ten of the best Years of their Life in learning, at a great Expence, and with incredible Pains, one or two Languages, and some other Matters of a like Nature, which perhaps they would seldom have Occasion to use. The End of Masters, in the long Course of their Studies, is to habituate their Scholars to serious Application of Mind, to make them love and value the Sciences, and to cultivate in them such a Taste, as shall make them thirst after them when they are gone from School; to point out the Method of attaining them; and make them thoroughly sensible of their Use and Value; and by that Means dispose them for the different Employments to which it shall please God to call them. Besides this, the _End_ of Masters should be, _to improve their Hearts_ and Understandings, to protect their Innocence, to _inspire_ them with Principles of _Honour_ and _Probity_, to train them up to good Habits; to correct and subdue in them by gentle Means, the ill Inclinations they shall be observed to have, such as Pride, Insolence, an high Opinion of themselves, and a saucy Vanity continually employed in lessening others; a blind Self-love solely attentive to its own Advantage; a Spirit of Raillery which is pleased with offending and insulting others; an Indolence and Sloth, which renders all the good Qualities of the Mind useless." Dr. _Turnbull_ has the same Sentiments, with which we shall conclude this Note. If, says he, there be any such Thing as DUTY, or any such Thing as HAPPINESS; if there be any Difference between right and wrong Conduct; any Distinction between Virtue and Vice, or Wisdom and Folly; in fine, if there be any such Thing as Perfection or Imperfection belonging to the rational Powers which constitute moral Agents; or if Enjoyments and Pursuits admit of Comparison; _Good Education_ must of Necessity be acknowledged to mean, _proper Care_ to instruct early in the Science of Happiness and Duty, or in the Art of Judging and _Acting aright_ in Life. Whatever else one may have learned, if he comes into the World from his Schooling and Masters, quite unacquainted with the Nature, Rank and Condition, of Mankind, and the _Duties of human Life_ (in its more ordinary Circumstances at least) he hath lost his Time; _he is not educated_; he is not prepared for the World; he is not qualified for Society; he is not fitted for discharging the _proper Business of Man_. The Way therefore to judge whether Education be on a right Footing or not, is to compare it with the END; or to consider what it does in order to accomplish Youth for choosing and _behaving well_ in the various Conditions, _Relations_ and Incidents, of Life. If Education be calculated and adapted to furnish young Minds betimes with proper Knowledge for their Guidance and Direction in the chief Affairs of the World, and in the principal Vicissitudes to which human Concerns are subject, then is it indeed _proper or right Education._ But if _such Instruction_ be not the _principal Scope_ to which all other Lessons are rendered subservient in what is called the _Institution of Youth_, either _the Art of Living and Acting well_ is not Man's _most important_ Business, or what ought to be the CHIEF END of Education is neglected, and sacrificed to something of _far inferior_ Moment. _Observations on Liberal Education_, p. 175, 176. Philadelphia, 1749 _Rules Proper to be Observed in Trade_ I. Endeavour to be perfect in the calling you are engaged in; and be assiduous in every part thereof; INDUSTRY being the natural means of acquiring _wealth_, _honour_, and _reputation_; as _idleness_ is of _poverty_, _shame_, and _disgrace_. II. Lay a good foundation in regard to principle: Be sure not wilfully to over-reach, or deceive your neighbour; but keep always in your eye the golden rule of _doing as you would be done unto_. III. Be strict in discharging all legal debts: Do not evade your creditors by any shuffling arts, in giving notes under your hand, only to defer payment; but, if you have it in your power, discharge all debts when they become due. Above all, when you are straitened for want of money, be cautious of taking it up at an high interest. This has been the ruin of many, therefore endeavour to avoid it. IV. Endeavour to be as much in your shop, or warehouse, or in whatever place your business properly lies, as possibly you can: Leave it not to servants to transact, for customers will not regard them as yourself; they generally think they shall not be so well served: Besides, mistakes may arise by the negligence, or inexperience, of servants; and therefore, your presence will prevent, probably, the loss of a good customer. V. Be complaisant to the _meanest_, as well as greatest: You are as much obliged to use good manners for a farthing, as a pound; the one demands it from you, as well as the other. VI. Be not too talkative, but speak as much as is necessary to recommend your goods, and always observe to keep within the rules of decency. If customers slight your goods, and undervalue them, endeavour to convince them of their mistake, if you can, but not affront them: Do not be pert in your answers, but with patience hear, and with meekness give an answer; for if you affront in a small matter, it may probably hinder you from a future good customer. They may think that you are dear in the articles they want; but, by going to another, may find it not so, and probably may return again; but if you behave rude and affronting, there is no hope either of returning, or their future custom. VII. Take great care in keeping your accounts well: Enter every thing necessary in your books with neatness and exactness; often state your accounts, and examine whether you gain, or lose; and carefully survey your stock, and inspect into every particular of your affairs. VIII. Take care, as much as you can, whom you trust: Neither take nor give long credit; but, at the farthest, annually settle your accounts. Deal at the fountain head for as many articles as you can; and, if it lies in your power, for ready money: This method you will find to be the most profitable in the end. Endeavour to keep a proper assortment in your way, but not over-stock yourself. Aim not at making a great figure in your shop, in unnecessary ornaments, but let it be neat and useful: Too great an appearance may rather prevent, than engage customers. Make your _business_ your pleasure, and other entertainments will only appear necessary for relaxation therefrom. IX. Strive to maintain a _fair character_ in the world: That will be the best means for advancing your credit, gaining you the most flourishing trade, and enlarging your fortune. Condescend to no mean action, but add a lustre to trade, by keeping up to the dignity of your nature. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 20, 1749/50 _Rules for Making Oneself a Disagreeable Companion RULES, _by the Observation of which, a Man of Wit and Learning may nevertheless make himself a_ disagreeable _Companion_. Your Business is to _shine_; therefore you must by all means prevent the shining of others, for their Brightness may make yours the less distinguish'd. To this End, 1. If possible engross the whole Discourse; and when other Matter fails, talk much of your-self, your Education, your Knowledge, your Circumstances, your Successes in Business, your Victories in Disputes, your own wise Sayings and Observations on particular Occasions, &c. &c. &c. 2. If when you are out of Breath, one of the Company should seize the Opportunity of saying something; watch his Words, and, if possible, find somewhat either in his Sentiment or Expression, immediately to contradict and raise a Dispute upon. Rather than fail, criticise even his Grammar. 3. If another should be saying an indisputably good Thing; either give no Attention to it; or interrupt him; or draw away the Attention of others; or, if you can guess what he would be at, be quick and say it before him; or, if he gets it said, and you perceive the Company pleas'd with it, own it to be a good Thing, and withal remark that it had been said by _Bacon_, _Locke_, _Bayle_, or some other eminent Writer; thus you deprive him of the Reputation he might have gain'd by it, and gain some yourself, as you hereby show your great Reading and Memory. 4. When modest Men have been thus treated by you a few times, they will chuse ever after to be silent in your Company; then you may shine on without Fear of a Rival; rallying them at the same time for their Dullness, which will be to you a new Fund of Wit. Thus you will be sure to please _yourself_. The polite Man aims at pleasing _others_, but you shall go beyond him even in that. A Man can be present only in one Company, but may at the same time be absent in twenty. He can please only where he _is_, you where-ever you are _not_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 15, 1750 _Idea of the English School_ _Sketch'd out for the Consideration of the_ Trustees _of the_ PHILADELPHIA ACADEMY. It is expected that every Scholar to be admitted into this School, be at least able to pronounce and divide the Syllables in Reading, and to write a legible Hand. None to be receiv'd that are under Years of Age. _First or lowest_ CLASS. Let the first Class learn the _English Grammar_ Rules, and at the same time let particular Care be taken to improve them in _Orthography_. Perhaps the latter is best done by _Pairing_ the Scholars, two of those nearest equal in their Spelling to be put together; let these strive for Victory, each propounding Ten Words every Day to the other to be spelt. He that spells truly most of the other's Words, is Victor for that Day; he that is Victor most Days in a Month, to obtain a Prize, a pretty neat Book of some Kind useful in their future Studies. This Method fixes the Attention of Children extreamly to the Orthography of Words, and makes them good Spellers very early. 'Tis a Shame for a Man to be so ignorant of this little Art, in his own Language, as to be perpetually confounding Words of like Sound and different Significations; the Consciousness of which Defect, makes some Men, otherwise of good Learning and Understanding, averse to Writing even a common Letter. Let the Pieces read by the Scholars in this Class be short, such as _Croxall_'s Fables, and little Stories. In giving the Lesson, let it be read to them; let the Meaning of the difficult Words in it be explained to them, and let them con it over by themselves before they are called to read to the Master, or Usher; who is to take particular Care that they do not read too fast, and that they duly observe the Stops and Pauses. A Vocabulary of the most usual difficult Words might be formed for their Use, with Explanations; and they might daily get a few of those Words and Explanations by Heart, which would a little exercise their Memories; or at least they might write a Number of them in a small Book for the Purpose, which would help to fix the Meaning of those Words in their Minds, and at the same Time furnish every one with a little Dictionary for his future Use. _The Second_ CLASS _to be taught_ Reading with Attention, and with proper Modulations of the Voice according to the Sentiments and Subject. Some short Pieces, not exceeding the Length of a _Spectator_, to be given this Class as Lessons (and some of the easier _Spectators_ would be very suitable for the Purpose.) These Lessons might be given over Night as Tasks, the Scholars to study them against the Morning. Let it then be required of them to give an Account, first of the Parts of Speech, and Construction of one or two Sentences; this will oblige them to recur frequently to their Grammar, and fix its principal Rules in their Memory. Next of the _Intention_ of the Writer, or the _Scope_ of the Piece; the Meaning of each Sentence, and of every uncommon Word. This would early acquaint them with the Meaning and Force of Words, and give them that most necessary Habit, of Reading with Attention. The Master then to read the Piece with the proper Modulations of Voice, due Emphasis, and suitable Action, where Action is required; and put the Youth on imitating his Manner. Where the Author has us'd an Expression not the best, let it be pointed out; and let his Beauties be particularly remarked to the Youth. Let the Lessons for Reading be varied, that the Youth may be made acquainted with good Stiles of all Kinds in Prose and Verse, and the proper Manner of reading each Kind. Sometimes a well-told Story, a Piece of a Sermon, a General's Speech to his Soldiers, a Speech in a Tragedy, some Part of a Comedy, an Ode, a Satyr, a Letter, Blank Verse, Hudibrastick, Heroic, _&c_. But let such Lessons for Reading be chosen, as contain some useful Instruction, whereby the Understandings or Morals of the Youth, may at the same Time be improv'd. It is requir'd that they should first study and understand the Lessons, before they are put upon reading them properly, to which End each Boy should have an _English_ Dictionary to help him over Difficulties. When our Boys read _English_ to us, we are apt to imagine _they_ understand what _they_ read because _we_ do, and because 'tis their Mother Tongue. But they often read as Parrots speak, knowing little or nothing of the Meaning. And it is impossible a Reader should give the due Modulation to his Voice, and pronounce properly, unless his Understanding goes before his Tongue, and makes him Master of the Sentiment. Accustoming Boys to read aloud what they do not first understand, is the Cause of those even set Tones so common among Readers, which when they have once got a Habit of using, they find so difficult to correct: By which Means, among Fifty Readers we scarcely find a good One. For want of good Reading, Pieces publish'd with a View to influence the Minds of Men for their own or the publick Benefit, lose Half their Force. Were there but one good Reader in a Neighbourhood, a publick Orator might be heard throughout a Nation with the same Advantages, and have the same Effect on his Audience, as if they stood within the Reach of his Voice. _The Third_ CLASS _to be taught_ Speaking properly and gracefully, which is near of Kin to good Reading, and naturally follows it in the Studies of Youth. Let the Scholars of this Class begin with learning the Elements of Rhetoric from some short System, so as to be able to give an Account of the most usual Tropes and Figures. Let all their bad Habits of Speaking, all Offences against good Grammar, all corrupt or foreign Accents, and all improper Phrases, be pointed out to them. Short Speeches from the _Roman_ or other History, or from our _Parliamentary Debates_, might be got by heart, and deliver'd with the proper Action, _&c_. Speeches and Scenes in our best Tragedies and Comedies (avoiding every Thing that could injure the Morals of Youth) might likewise be got by Rote, and the Boys exercis'd in delivering or acting them; great Care being taken to form their Manner after the truest Models. For their farther Improvement, and a little to vary their Studies, let them now begin to read _History_, after having got by Heart a short Table of the principal Epochas in Chronology. They may begin with _Rollin_'s _Antient and Roman Histories_, and proceed at proper Hours as they go thro' the subsequent Classes, with the best Histories of our own Nation and Colonies. Let Emulation be excited among the Boys by giving, Weekly, little Prizes, or other small Encouragements to those who are able to give the best Account of what they have read, as to Times, Places, Names of Persons, _&c_. This will make them read with Attention, and imprint the History well in their Memories. In remarking on the History, the Master will have fine Opportunities of instilling Instruction of various Kinds, and improving the Morals as well as the Understandings of Youth. The Natural and Mechanic History contain'd in _Spectacle de la Nature_, might also be begun in this Class, and continued thro' the subsequent Classes by other Books of the same Kind: For next to the Knowledge of _Duty_, this Kind of Knowledge is certainly the most useful, as well as the most entertaining. The Merchant may thereby be enabled better to understand many Commodities in Trade; the Handicraftsman to improve his Business by new Instruments, Mixtures and Materials; and frequently Hints are given of new Manufactures, or new Methods of improving Land, that may be set on foot greatly to the Advantage of a Country. _The Fourth_ CLASS _to be taught_ Composition. Writing one's own Language well, is the next necessary Accomplishment after good Speaking. 'Tis the Writing-Master's Business to take Care that the Boys make fair Characters, and place them straight and even in the Lines: But to _form their Stile_, and even to take Care that the Stops and Capitals are properly disposed, is the Part of the _English_ Master. The Boys should be put on Writing Letters to each other on any common Occurrences, and on various Subjects, imaginary Business, _&c_. containing little Stories, Accounts of their late Reading, what Parts of Authors please them, and why. Letters of Congratulation, of Compliment, of Request, of Thanks, of Recommendation, of Admonition, of Consolation, of Expostulation, Excuse, _&c_. In these they should be taught to express themselves clearly, concisely, and naturally, without affected Words, or high-flown Phrases. All their Letters to pass through the Master's Hand, who is to point out the Faults, advise the Corrections, and commend what he finds right. Some of the best Letters published in our own Language, as Sir _William Temple_'s, those of _Pope_, and his Friends, and some others, might be set before the Youth as Models, their Beauties pointed out and explained by the Master, the Letters themselves transcrib'd by the Scholar. Dr. Johnson's _Ethices Elementa_, or first Principles of Morality, may now be read by the Scholars, and explain'd by the Master, to lay a solid Foundation of Virtue and Piety in their Minds. And as this Class continues the Reading of History, let them now at proper Hours receive some farther Instructions in Chronology, and in that Part of Geography (from the Mathematical Master) which is necessary to understand the Maps and Globes. They should also be acquainted with the modern Names of the Places they find mention'd in antient Writers. The Exercises of good Reading and proper Speaking still continued at suitable Times. _Fifth_ CLASS. To improve the Youth in _Composition_, they may now, besides continuing to write Letters, begin to write little Essays in Prose; and sometimes in Verse, not to make them Poets, but for this Reason, that nothing acquaints a Lad so speedily with Variety of Expression, as the Necessity of finding such Words and Phrases as will suit with the Measure, Sound and Rhime of Verse, and at the same Time well express the Sentiment. These Essays should all pass under the Master's Eye, who will point out their Faults, and put the Writer on correcting them. Where the Judgment is not ripe enough for forming new Essays, let the Sentiments of a _Spectator_ be given, and requir'd to be cloath'd in a Scholar's own Words; or the Circumstances of some good Story, the Scholar to find Expression. Let them be put sometimes on abridging a Paragraph of a diffuse Author, sometimes on dilating or amplifying what is wrote more closely. And now let Dr. _Johnson_'s _Noetica_, or first Principles of human Knowledge, containing a Logic, or Art of Reasoning, _&c_. be read by the Youth, and the Difficulties that may occur to them be explained by the Master. The Reading of History, and the Exercises of good Reading and just Speaking still continued. _Sixth_ CLASS. In this Class, besides continuing the Studies of the preceding, in History, Rhetoric, Logic, Moral and Natural Philosophy, the best _English_ Authors may be read and explain'd; as _Tillotson_, _Milton_, _Locke_, _Addison_, _Pope_, _Swift_, the higher Papers in the _Spectator_ and _Guardian_, the best Translations of _Homer_, _Virgil_ and _Horace_, of _Telemachus_, _Travels of Cyrus_, &c. Once a Year, let there be publick Exercises in the Hall, the Trustees and Citizens present. Then let fine gilt Books be given as Prizes to such Boys as distinguish themselves, and excel the others in any Branch of Learning; making three Degrees of Comparison; giving the best Prize to him that performs best; a less valuable One to him that comes up next to the best; and another to the third. Commendations, Encouragement and Advice to the rest; keeping up their Hopes that by Industry they may excel another Time. The Names of those that obtain the Prizes, to be yearly printed in a List. The Hours of each Day are to be divided and dispos'd in such a Manner, as that some Classes may be with the Writing-Master, improving their Hands, others with the Mathematical Master, learning Arithmetick, Accompts, Geography, Use of the Globes, Drawing, Mechanicks, _&c_. while the rest are in the _English_ School, under the _English_ Master's Care. Thus instructed, Youth will come out of this School fitted for learning any Business, Calling or Profession, except such wherein Languages are required; and tho' unaquainted with any antient or foreign Tongue, they will be Masters of their own, which is of more immediate and general Use; and withal will have attain'd many other valuable Accomplishments; the Time usually spent in acquiring those Languages, often without Success, being here employ'd in laying such a Foundation of Knowledge and Ability, as, properly improv'd, may qualify them to pass thro' and execute the several Offices of civil Life, with Advantage and Reputation to themselves and Country. Philadelphia, B. Franklin and D. Hall, at the Post-Office, 1751 _Course of Experiments_ Philadelphia, April 11, 1751. Notice is hereby given to the CURIOUS, That on _Wednesday_ next, Mr. _Kinnersley_ proposes to begin a Course of Experiments on the newly-discovered ELECTRICAL FIRE, containing not only the most curious of those that have been made and published in _Europe_, but a considerable Number of new Ones lately made in this City; to be accompanied with methodical LECTURES on the Nature and Properties of that wonderful Element, _viz_. LECTURE I. I. Of Electricity in General, giving some Account of the Discovery of it. II. That the Electric Fire is a real Element, and different from those heretofore known and named, and _collected_ out of other Matter (not created) by the Friction of Glass, _&c_. III. That it is an extreamly subtile Fluid. IV. That it doth not take up any perceptible Time in passing thro' large Portions of Space. V. That it is intimately mixed with the Substance of all the other Fluids and Solids of our Globe. VI. That our Bodies at all Times contain enough of it to set a House on Fire. VII. That tho' it will fire inflammable Matters, itself has no sensible Heat. VIII. That it differs from common Matter in this; Its Parts do not mutually attract, but mutually repel each other. IX. That it is strongly attracted by all other Matter. X. An artificial Spider, animated by the Electric Fire, so as to act like a live One. XI. A perpetual Shower of Sand, which rises again as fast as it falls. XII. That common Matter in the form of Points attracts this Fire more strongly than in any other Form. XIII. A Leaf of the most weighty of Metals suspended in the Air, as is said of _Mahomet_'s Tomb. XIV. An Appearance like Fishes swimming in the Air. XV. That this Fire will live in Water, a River not being sufficient to quench the smallest Spark of it. XVI. A Representation of the Sensitive Plant. XVII. A Representation of the seven Planets, shewing a probable Cause of their keeping their due Distances from each other, and from the Sun in the Center. XVIII. The Salute repulsed by the Ladies Fire; or Fire darting from a Lady's Lips, so that she may defy any Person to salute her. XIX. Eight musical Bells rung by an electrified Phial of Water. XX. A Battery of eleven Guns discharged by Fire issuing out of a Person's Finger. LECTURE II. I. A Description and Explanation of Mr. _Muschenbroek_'s wonderful Bottle. II. The amazing Force of the Electric Fire in passing thro' a Number of Bodies at the same Instant. III. An Electric Mine sprung. IV. Electrified Money, which scarce any Body will take when offer'd to them. V. A Piece of Money drawn out of a Persons Mouth in spite of his Teeth; yet without touching it, or offering him the least Violence. VI. Spirits kindled by Fire darting from a Lady's Eyes (without a Metaphor.) VII. Various Representations of Lightning, the Cause and Effects of which will be explained by a more probable Hypothesis than has hitherto appeared, and some useful Instructions given how to avoid the Danger of it: How to secure Houses, Ships, _&c_. from being hurt by its destructive Violence. VIII. The Force of the Electric Spark making a fair Hole thro' a Quire of Paper. IX. Metal melted by it (tho' without any Heat) in less than the thousandth Part of a Minute. X. Animals killed by it instantaneously (if any of the Company desire it, and will be pleased to send some for that Purpose.) XI. Air issuing out of a Bladder set on Fire by a Spark from a Person's Finger, and burning like a Volcano. XII. A few Drops of electrified cold Water let fall on a Person's Hand, supplying him with Fire sufficient to kindle a burning Flame with one of the Fingers of his other Hand. XIII. A Sulphureous Vapour kindled into Flame by Fire issuing out of a cold Apple. XIV. A curious Machine acting by means of the Electric Fire, and playing Variety of Tunes on eight musical Bells. XV. A Battery of eleven Guns discharged by a Spark, after it has passed thro' ten Foot of Water. As the Knowledge of Nature tends to enlarge the human Mind, and give us more noble, more grand and exalted Ideas of the AUTHOR of Nature, and if well pursu'd seldom fails producing something _useful_ to Man, 'tis hoped these Lectures may be thought worthy of Regard and Encouragement. _Tickets_ to be had at Mr. _Kinnersley_'s House in _Arch-street_, Price _Seven Shillings_ and _Six-pence_ for each Person to go thro' the Course. The Lectures to begin precisely at 4 in the Afternoon of each Day, in the same Room Mr. _Dove_ lately used for his Course of Natural Philosophy. _Note_, the Experiments succeed best when the Air is dry. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 11, 1751 _On Transported Felons_ From _Virginia_ we hear, that six Convicts, who were transported for fourteen Years, and shipp'd at _Liverpool_, rose at Sea, shot the Captain, overcame and confin'd the Seamen, and kept Possession of the Vessel 19 Days; that coming in Sight of _Cape Hatteras_, they hoisted out the Boat to go on shore; when a Vessel passing by, a Boy they had not confin'd, hail'd her, and attempted to tell their Condition, but was prevented; and then the Villains drove a Spike up thro' his under and upper Jaws, and wound Spunyarn round the End that came out near his Nose, to prevent his getting it out: They then cut away the Sails from the Yards, left the Ship, and went ashore. But a _New-England_ Sloop coming by soon after, and seeing a Ship driving in the Sea in that Manner, boarded her, found Things as above mentioned, and carried her into _North-Carolina_; from whence a Hue and Cry went after the Villains, who had stroll'd along to _Virginia_; they were taken at _Norfolk_, and one of them confess'd the Fact; upon which they were order'd up, about two Weeks since, to _Williamsburgh_, for Trial as Pyrates. From _Maryland_ we hear, that a Convict Servant, about three Weeks since, went into his Master's House, with an Ax in his Hand, determin'd to kill his Mistress; but changing his Purpose on seeing, as he expressed it, _how d ------ d innocent she look'd_, he laid his Left-hand on a Block, cut it off, and threw it at her, saying, _Now make me work, if you can_. N. B. _'Tis said this desperate Villain is now begging in_ Pennsylvania, _and 'tis thought has been seen in this City; he pretends to have lost his Hand by an Accident: The Publick are therefore caution'd to beware of him_. From _Bucks_ County we hear, that a Convict Servant, one _John McCaulefd_, imported here last Fall, has broke open and robb'd several Houses, of Goods to a considerable Value; but being apprehended at a Ferry, is committed to Prison. Yesterday the Trial of _Samuel Saunders_, for the Murder of _Simon Girtie_, came on at the Supream Court, when the Jury return'd their Verdict _Manslaughter_. "When we see our Papers fill'd continually with Accounts of the most audacious Robberies, the most cruel Murders, and infinite other Villainies perpetrated by Convicts transported from _Europe_, what melancholly, what terrible Reflections must it occasion! What will become of our Posterity! -- These are some of thy Favours, BRITAIN! Thou art called our MOTHER COUNTRY; but what good _Mother_ ever sent _Thieves_ and _Villains_ to accompany her _Children_; to corrupt some with their infectious Vices, and murder the rest? What _Father_ ever endeavour'd to spread the _Plague_ in his Family! -- We do not ask Fish, but thou givest us _Serpents_, and worse than Serpents! -- In what can _Britain_ show a more Sovereign Contempt for us, than by emptying their _Jails_ into our Settlements; unless they would likewise empty their _Jakes_ on our Tables? -- What must we think of that B ----- d, which has advis'd the Repeal of every Law we have hitherto made to prevent this Deluge of Wickedness overwhelming us; and with this _cruel_ Sarcasm, _That these Laws were against the_ Publick Utility, _for they tended to prevent the_ IMPROVEMENT _and_ WELL-PEOPLING _of the Colonies!_ -- And what must we think of those Merchants, who for the sake of a little paltry Gain, will be concern'd in importing and disposing of these abominable Cargoes?" _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 11, 1751 _Rattle-Snakes for Felons_ _To the Printers of the Gazette._ By a Passage in one of your late Papers, I understand that the Government at home will not suffer our mistaken Assemblies to make any Law for preventing or discouraging the Importation of Convicts from Great Britain, for this kind Reason, _`That such Laws are against the Publick Utility, as they tend to prevent the_ IMPROVEMENT _and_ WELL PEOPLING of the Colonies.' Such a tender _parental_ Concern in our _Mother Country_ for the _Welfare_ of her Children, calls aloud for the highest _Returns_ of Gratitude and Duty. This every one must be sensible of: But 'tis said, that in our present Circumstances it is absolutely impossible for us to make _such_ as are adequate to the Favour. I own it; but nevertheless let us do our Endeavour. 'Tis something to show a grateful Disposition. In some of the uninhabited Parts of these Provinces, there are Numbers of these venomous Reptiles we call RATTLE-SNAKES; Felons-convict from the Beginning of the World: These, whenever we meet with them, we put to Death, by Virtue of an old Law, _Thou shalt bruise his Head._ But as this is a sanguinary Law, and may seem too cruel; and as however mischievous those Creatures are with us, they may possibly change their Natures, if they were to change the Climate; I would humbly propose, that this general Sentence of _Death_ be changed for _Transportation._ In the Spring of the Year, when they first creep out of their Holes, they are feeble, heavy, slow, and easily taken; and if a small Bounty were allow'd _per_ Head, some Thousands might be collected annually, and _transported_ to Britain. There I would propose to have them carefully distributed in _St. James_'s _Park_, in the _Spring-Gardens_ and other Places of Pleasure about _London_; in the Gardens of all the Nobility and Gentry throughout the Nation; but particularly in the Gardens of the _Prime Ministers_, the _Lords of Trade_ and _Members of Parliament_; for to them we are _most particularly_ obliged. There is no human Scheme so perfect, but some Inconveniencies may be objected to it: Yet when the Conveniencies far exceed, the Scheme is judg'd rational, and fit to be executed. Thus Inconveniencies have been objected to that _good_ and _wise_ Act of Parliament, by virtue of which all the _Newgates_ and _Dungeons_ in _Britain_ are emptied into the Colonies. It has been said, that these Thieves and Villains introduc'd among us, spoil the Morals of Youth in the Neighbourhoods that entertain them, and perpetrate many horrid Crimes: But let not _private Interests_ obstruct _publick Utility._ Our _Mother_ knows what is best for us. What is a little _Housebreaking_, _Shoplifting_, or _Highway Robbing_; what is a _Son_ now and then _corrupted_ and _hang'd_, a Daughter _debauch'd_ and _pox'd_, a Wife _stabb'd_, a Husband's _Throat cut_, or a Child's _Brains beat out_ with an Axe, compar'd with this `IMPROVEMENT and WELL PEOPLING of the Colonies!' Thus it may perhaps be objected to my Scheme, that the _Rattle-Snake_ is a mischievous Creature, and that his changing his Nature with the Clime is a mere Supposition, not yet confirm'd by sufficient Facts. What then? Is not Example more prevalent than Precept? And may not the honest rough British Gentry, by a Familiarity with these Reptiles, learn to _creep_, and to _insinuate_, and to _slaver_, and to _wriggle_ into Place (and perhaps to _poison_ such as stand in their Way) Qualities of no small Advantage to Courtiers! In comparison of which _Improvement_ and _Publick Utility_,' what is a _Child_ now and then kill'd by their venomous Bite, -- or even a favourite _Lap-Dog_? I would only add, That this Exporting of Felons to the Colonies, may be consider'd as a _Trade_, as well as in the Light of a _Favour_. Now all Commerce implies _Returns_: Justice requires them: There can be no Trade without them. And _Rattle-Snakes_ seem the most _suitable Returns_ for the _Human Serpents_ sent by our _Mother_ Country. In this, however, as in every other branch of trade, she will have the Advantage of us. She will reap _equal_ Benefits without equal Risque of the Inconveniencies and Dangers. For the _Rattle-Snake_ gives Warning before he attempts his Mischief; which the Convict does not. I am _Yours, &c._ AMERICANUS. _The Pennsylvania Gazette,_ May 9, 1751 _Appeal for the Hospital_ _Post obitum benefacta manent, aeternaque Virtus Non metuit Stygiis, nec rapiatur Aquis._ _I was sick, and ye visited me._ Matth. xxv. Among all the innumerable Species of Animals which inhabit the Air, Earth and Water, so exceedingly different in their Production, their Properties, and the Manner of their Existence, and so varied in Form, that even of the same Kind, it can scarce be said there are two Individuals in all Respects alike; it is remarkable, there are none within our Observation, distiinguish'd from the rest by this Particular, that they are by Nature incapable of_ DISEASES. The old Poets, how extravagant soever in their Fictions, durst never offend so far against Nature and Probability, as even to feign such a Thing; and therefore, tho' they made their _Achilles_ invulnerable from Head to Foot, and clad him beside in impenetrable Armour, forg'd by the Immortals, they were obliged to leave one soft unguarded Place in his Heel, how small soever, for Destruction to enter at. -- But tho' every Animal that hath Life is liable to Death, Man, of all other Creatures, has the greatest Number of _Diseases_ to his Share; whether they are the Effects of our Intemperance and Vice, or are given us, that we may have a greater Opportunity of exercising towards each other that Virtue, which most of all recommends us to the Deity, I mean CHARITY. The great Author of our Faith, whose Life should be the constant Object of our Imitation, as far as it is not inimitable, always shew'd the greatest Compassion and Regard for the SICK; he disdain'd not to visit and minister Comfort and Health to the meanest of the People; and he frequently inculcated the same Disposition in his Doctrine and Precepts to his Disciples. For this one Thing, (in that beautiful Parable of the Traveller wounded by Thieves) the _Samaritan_ (who was esteemed no better than a _Heretick_, or an _Infidel_ by the _Orthodox_ of those Times) is preferred to the _Priest_ and the _Levite_; because he did not, like them, pass by, regardless of the Distress of his Brother Mortal; but when he came to the Place where the half-dead Traveller lay, _he had Compassion on him, and went to him, and bound up his Wounds, pouring in Oil and Wine, and set him on his own Beast, and brought him to an Inn, and took Care of him._ -- _Dives_, also, the rich Man, is represented as being excluded from the Happiness of Heaven, because he fared sumptuously every Day, and had Plenty of all Things, and yet neglected to comfort and assist his poor Neighbour, who was helpless and _full of Sores_, and might perhaps have been revived and restored with small Care, _by the Crumbs that fell from his Table_, or, as we say, _with his loose Corns. -- I was Sick, and ye Visited me_, is one of the Terms of Admission into Bliss, and the Contrary, a Cause of Exclusion: That is, as our Saviour himself explains it, _Ye have visited, or ye have not visited, assisted and comforted those who stood in need of it, even tho' they were the least, or meanest of Mankind._ This Branch of _Charity_ seems essential to the true Spirit of Christianity; and should be extended to all in general, whether Deserving or Undeserving, as far as our Power reaches. Of the ten Lepers who were cleansed, _nine_ seem to have been much more unworthy than the _tenth_, yet in respect to the Cure of their Disease, they equally shared the Goodness of God. And the great Physician in sending forth his Disciples, always gave them a particular Charge, _that into whatsoever City they entered, they should heal_ ALL _the Sick_, without Distinction. When the good _Samaritan_ left his Patient at the Inn, _he gave Money to the Host, and said,_ TAKE CARE OF HIM, _and_ _what thou spendest more, I will repay thee._ We are in this World mutual Hosts to each other; the Circumstances and Fortunes of Men and Families are continually changing; in the Course of a few Years we have seen the Rich become Poor, and the Poor Rich; the Children of the Wealthy languishing in Want and Misery, and those of their Servants lifted into Estates, and abounding in the good Things of this Life. Since then, our present State, how prosperous soever, hath no Stability, but what depends on the good Providence of God, how careful should we be not to _harden our Hearts_ against the Distresses of our Fellow Creatures, lest He who owns and governs all, should punish our Inhumanity, deprive us of a Stewardship in which we have so unworthily behaved, _laugh at our Calamity, and mock when our Fear cometh._ Methinks when Objects of Charity, and Opportunities of relieving them, present themselves, we should hear the Voice of this _Samaritan_, as if it were the Voice of God sounding in our Ears, TAKE CARE OF THEM, _and whatsoever thou spendest, I will repay thee._ But the Good particular Men may do separately, in relieving the Sick, is small, compared with what they may do collectively, or by a joint Endeavour and Interest. Hence the Erecting of Hospitals or Infirmaries by Subscription, for the Reception, Entertainment, and Cure of the Sick Poor, has been found by Experience exceedingly beneficial, as they turn out annually great Numbers of Patients perfectly cured, who might otherwise have been lost to their Families, and to Society. Hence Infirmaries spread more and more in Europe, new Ones being continually erected in large Cities and populous Towns, where generally the most skilful Physicians and Surgeons inhabit. And the Subscribers have had the Satisfaction in a few Years of seeing the Good they proposed to do, become much more extensive than was at first expected; for the Multitude and Variety of Cases continually treated in those Infirmaries, not only render the Physicians and Surgeons who attend them, still more expert and skilful, for the Benefit of others, but afford such speedy and effectual Instruction to the young Students of both Professions, who come from different and remote Parts of the Country for Improvement, that they return with a more ample Stock of Knowledge in their Art, and become Blessings to the Neighbourhoods in which they fix their Residence. It is therefore a great Pleasure to all the Benevolent and Charitable, who have been acquainted with these Things in other Countries, to observe, that an Institution of the same Kind has met with such Encouragement in _Pensilvania_, and is in such Forwardness, that there is reason to expect it may be carried into Execution the ensuing Year. May the Father of Mercies grant it his Blessing, and Thousands of our unhappy Fellow Creatures, yet unborn, will have Cause to bless him, for putting it into the Hearts of the generous Contributors, and enabling them thus to provide for their Relief. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 8, 1751 _Homines ad Deos, nulla re propius accedunt, quam Salutem Hominibus dando._ CICER. ORAT. This Motto, taken from a _Pagan_ Author, expresses the general Sense of Mankind, even in the earliest Ages, concerning that great Duty and extensive Charity, the _administring Comfort and Relief to the Sick._ If Men without any other Assistance than the Dictates of natural Reason, had so high an Opinion of it, what may be expected from Christians, to whom it has been so warmly recommended by the best Example of human Conduct. To visit the Sick, to feed the Hungry, to clothe the Naked, and comfort the Afflicted, are the inseparable Duties of a christian Life. Accordingly 'tis observable, that the Christian Doctrine hath had a real Effect on the Conduct of Mankind, which the mere Knowledge of Duty without the Sanctions Revelation affords, never produc'd among the _Heathens_: For History shows, that from the earliest Times of Christianity, in all well-regulated States where Christians obtain'd sufficient Influence, publick Funds and private Charities have been appropriated to the building of Hospitals, for receiving, supporting and curing those unhappy Creatures, whose Poverty is aggravated by the additional Load of bodily Pain. But of these Kind of Institutions among the _Pagans_, there is no Trace in the History of their Times. That good Prince _Edward_ VI. was so affected at the Miseries of his poor diseas'd Subjects, represented in a charity Sermon preach'd to him on the Occasion, that he soon after laid the Foundation of four of the largest Hospitals now in _London_, which the Citizens finished, and have ever since maintain'd. In _Hidepark_, at _Bath_, in _Edinburgh_, _Liverpool_, _Winchester_, and in the County of _Devon_, and sundry other Places in _Great-Britain_, large and commodious Infirmaries have been lately erected, from trifling Beginnings of private Charities: And so wonderfully does Providence favour these pious Institutions, that there is not an Instance of any One's failing for want of necessary charitable Contributions. (*) (*) _Extract from the Tour thro'_ Great Britain, Vol. III. Pag. 293. The Increase of poor diseas'd Foreigners and others, settled in the distant Parts of this Province, where regular Advice and Assistance cannot be procured, but at an Expence that neither they nor their Townships can afford, has awaken'd the Attention of sundry humane and well dispos'd Minds, to procure some more certain, effectual and easy Methods for their Relief than have hitherto been provided, and having represented the Affair to the Assembly, a Law was pass'd, without one dissenting Voice, giving _Two Thousand Pounds_ for building and furnishing a Provincial Hospital, on Condition that _Two Thousand Pounds_ more should be rais'd by private Donations, to be put out to Interest as Part of a perpetual Fund for supporting it; and the Contributors were made a Body Corporate, with all the Powers necessary on the Occasion. Since which, People of all Ranks in this City have united zealously and heartily in promoting this pious and excellent Design, and more than the Sum stipulated was subscribed in a few Days only, and a much larger Sum will probably be rais'd here if the Country chearfully contributes to the capital Stock, which 'tis not to be doubted they will do, when they consider how much they are interested in it. The Difference between nursing and curing the Sick in an Hospital, and separately in private Lodgings, with Regard to the Expence, is at least as ten to one. For Instance, suppose a Person under the Necessity of having a Limb amputated, he must have the constant Attendance of a Nurse, a Room, Fire, &c. which cannot for the first three or four Weeks be procured at less Expence than _Fifteen Shillings_ a Week, and never after at less than _Ten._ If he continues two Months his Nursing will be _Five Pounds_, his Surgeons Fee, and other accidental Charges, commonly amounts to _Three Pounds_, in the whole near _Ten Pounds_; whereas in an Hospital, one Nurse, one Fire, &c. will be sufficient for ten Patients, the extra Expences will be inconsiderable, and the Surgeon's Fees taken off, which will bring the above Calculation within the Limits of Truth. But the Difference with Regard to the unhappy Sufferer is still greater. In an Hospital his Case will be treated according to the best Rules of Art, by Men of Experience and known Abilities in their Profession. His Lodgings will be commodious, clean and neat, in an healthy and open Situation, his Diet will be well chosen, and properly administred: He will have many other necessary Conveniencies for his Relief, such as hot and cold Baths, sweating Rooms, chirurgic Machines, Bandage, &c. which can rarely be procured in the best private Lodgings, much less in those miserable loathsome Holes, which are the common Receptacles of the diseas'd Poor that are brought to this City. -- In short a Beggar in a well regulated Hospital, stands an equal Chance with a Prince in his Palace, for a comfortable Subsistence, and an expeditious and effectual Cure of his Diseases. It is hoped therefore, that whoever will maturely consider the inestimable Blessings that are connected to a proper Execution of the present Hospital Scheme in this City, can never be so void of Humanity and the essential Duties of Religion, as to turn a deaf Ear to the numberless Cries of the Poor and Needy, and refuse for their Assistance, a little of that Superfluity, which a bountiful Providence has so liberally bestowed on them. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 15, 1751 _In the Year_ 1740, _on the Promotion of Dr._ Gilbert, _Dean of this Church, to the Bishoprick of_ Landaff, _his Majesty was pleas'd to confer the Deanery on Dr._ Alured Clarke, _who was installed in the Month of_ January, _in that Year; and if we may be allowed to judge from the pious Acts be began with in that Station, a more worthy Man could not have been preferr'd thereto. The House, an antient Building, belonging to that Dignity, had, thro' the Remissness of its former Possessors, been too long neglected; _wherefore his First Work was to set about altering and repairing that, _which he did within Nine Months of his Instalment, at an Expence of about_ 800_l_. _Before this was perfected,_ viz. _in the Spring_ 1741, _he drew up and published Proposals for founding an Hospital in this City, for Lodging, Dieting, and Curing the Sick and Lame Poor thereof, and of the County of_ Devon, _on the like Plan of that which he had before founded at_ Winchester, _for the Benefit of that City, and County of_ Hants. _A Design so good, recommended by the pious Eloquence of a Divine so learned and judicious, on Views so visibly disinterested, and so clearly abstracted from all Party Schemes or Intentions, met with the general Applause and Assistance of the Gentry and Clergy of all Parties, Sects and Denominations; who, however different in Religion and Politicks, unanimously join'd in this pious Undertaking: And a Subscription being opened in_ March, _hath already_ (November 1741) _brought in about_ 2000 _l. of which near_ 1500 _l. are annual Engagements, which, 'tis highly probable, will be not only continued, but much augmented, so that 'tis hoped, that_ 200 _Patients at a Time may be provided for._ John Tuckfield, _of_ Raddon, _Esq; was pleased to accommodate the Governors with a Plot of Ground near_ Southernhay, _without the City-walls, at a very moderate Price, and to give_ 100 _l. towards carrying on the Building for the intended Hospital, the Plan of which was commodiously designed by the Direction of the Dean, and the first Stone thereof laid by him, assisted by the Bishop of_ Exon, _Sir_ William Courtenay, _Knight of the Shire, Sir_ Henry Northcote _and_ Humphry Sydenham_, Esquires, the Citizens in Parliament, the Honourable_ Henry Rolle, _and_ John Tuckfield _Esq; attended by a great Number of Clergy and Gentry, that are Subscribers, and Thousands of joyful Spectators, on the_ 27_th of_ August 1741. _The Building contains upwards of_ 300 _Feet in Length, and is already in a good Forwardness. _Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind, Peopling of Countries, &c._ 1. Tables of the Proportion of Marriages to Births, of Deaths to Births, of Marriages to the Numbers of Inhabitants, &c. form'd on Observations made upon the Bills of Mortality, Christnings, &c. of populous Cities, will not suit Countries; nor will Tables form'd on Observations made on full settled old Countries, as _Europe_, suit new Countries, as _America_. 2. For People increase in Proportion to the Number of Marriages, and that is greater in Proportion to the Ease and Convenience of supporting a Family. When Families can be easily supported, more Persons marry, and earlier in Life. 3. In Cities, where all Trades, Occupations and Offices arefull, many delay marrying, till they can see how to bear theCharges of a Family; which Charges are greater in Cities, asLuxury is more common: many live single during Life, and continue Servants to Families, Journeymen to Trades, &c. hence Cities do not by natural Generation supply themselves with Inhabitants; the Deaths are more than the Births. 4. In Countries full settled, the Case must be nearly the same; all Lands being occupied and improved to the Heighth; those who cannot get Land, must Labour for others that have it; when Labourers are plenty, their Wages will be low; by low Wages a Family is supported with Difficulty; this Difficulty deters many from Marriage, who therefore long continue Servants and single. -- Only as the Cities take Supplies of People from the Country, and thereby make a little more Room in the Country; Marriage is a little more incourag'd there, and the Births exceed the Deaths. 5. _Europe_ is generally full settled with Husbandmen, Manufacturers, &c. and therefore cannot now much increase in People: _America_ is chiefly occupied by Indians, who subsist mostly by Hunting. -- But as the Hunter, of all Men, requires the greatest Quantity of Land from whence to draw his Subsistence, (the Husbandman subsisting on much less, the Gardner on still less, and the Manufacturer requiring least of all), The _Europeans_ found _America_ as fully settled as it well could be by Hunters; yet these having large Tracks, were easily prevail'd on to part with Portions of Territory to the new Comers, who did not much interfere with the Natives in Hunting, and furnish'd them with many Things they wanted. 6. Land being thus plenty in _America_, and so cheap as that a labouring Man, that understands Husbandry, can in a short Time save Money enough to purchase a Piece of new Land sufficient for a Plantation, whereon he may subsist a Family; such are not afraid to marry; for if they even look far enough forward to consider how their Children when grown up are to be provided for, they see that more Land is to be had at Rates equally easy, all Circumstances considered. 7. Hence Marriages in _America_ are more general, and more generally early, than in _Europe_. And if it is reckoned there, that there is but one Marriage per Annum among 100 Persons, perhaps we may here reckon two; and if in _Europe_ they have but 4 Births to a Marriage (many of their Marriages being late) we may here reckon 8, of which if one half grow up, and our Marriages are made, reckoning one with another at _20_ Years of Age, our People must at least be doubled every 20 Years. 8. But notwithstanding this Increase, so vast is the Territory of _North-America_, that it will require many Ages to settle it fully; and till it is fully settled, Labour will never be cheap here, where no Man continues long a Labourer for others, but gets a Plantation of his own, no Man continues long a Journeyman to a Trade, but goes among those new Settlers, and sets up for himself, &c. Hence Labour is no cheaper now, in _Pennsylvania_, than it was 30 Years ago, tho' so many Thousand labouring People have been imported. 9. The Danger therefore of these Colonies interfering with their Mother Country in Trades that depend on Labour, Manufactures, &c. is too remote to require the Attention of _Great-Britain_. 10. But in Proportion to the Increase of the Colonies, a vast Demand is growing for British Manufactures, a glorious Market wholly in the Power of _Britain_, in which Foreigners cannot interfere, which will increase in a short Time even beyond her Power of supplying, tho' her whole Trade should be to her Colonies: Therefore _Britain_ should not too much restrain Manufactures in her Colonies. A wise and good Mother will not do it. To distress, is to weaken, and weakening the Children, weakens the whole Family. 11. Besides if the Manufactures of _Britain_ (by Reason of the _American_ Demands) should rise too high in Price, Foreigners who can sell cheaper will drive her Merchants out of Foreign Markets; Foreign Manufactures will thereby be encouraged and increased, and consequently foreign Nations, perhaps her Rivals in Power, grow more populous and more powerful; while her own Colonies, kept too low, are unable to assist her, or add to her Strength. 12. 'Tis an ill-grounded Opinion that by the Labour of Slaves, _America_ may possibly vie in Cheapness of Manufactures with _Britain_. The Labour of Slaves can never be so cheap here as the Labour of working Men is in _Britain_. Any one may compute it. Interest of Money is in the Colonies from 6 to 10 per Cent. Slaves one with another cost 30 pounds Sterling per Head. Reckon then the Interest of the first Purchase of a Slave, the Insurance or Risque on his Life, his Cloathing and Diet, Expences in his Sickness and Loss of Time, Loss by his Neglect of Business (Neglect is natural to the Man who is not to be benefited by his own Care or Diligence), Expence of a Driver to keep him at Work, and his Pilfering from Time to Time, almost every Slave being _by Nature_ a Thief, and compare the whole Amount with the Wages of a Manufacturer of Iron or Wool in _England_, you will see that Labour is much cheaper there than it ever can be by Negroes here. Why then will _Americans_ purchase Slaves? Because Slaves may be kept as long as a Man pleases, or has Occasion for their Labour; while hired Men are continually leaving their Master (often in the midst of his Business,) and setting up for themselves. (Symbol omitted). 8. 13. As the Increase of People depends on the Encouragement of Marriages, the following Things must diminish a Nation, _viz._ 1. The being conquered; for the Conquerors will engross as many Offices, and exact as much Tribute or Profit on the Labour of the conquered, as will maintain them in their new Establishment, and this diminishing the Subsistence of the Natives discourages their Marriages, & so gradually diminishes them, while the Foreigners increase. 2. Loss of Territory. Thus the _Britons_ being driven into _Wales_, and crowded together in a barren Country insufficient to support such great Numbers, diminished 'till the People bore a Proportion to the Produce, while the _Saxons_ increas'd on their abandoned Lands; 'till the Island became full of _English_. And were the _English_ now driven into _Wales_ by some foreign Nation, there would in a few Years be no more Englishmen in _Britain_, than there are now People in _Wales_. 3. Loss of Trade. Manufactures exported, draw Subsistence from Foreign Countries for Numbers; who are thereby enabled to marry and raise Families. If the Nation be deprived of any Branch of Trade, and no new Employment is found for the People occupy'd in that Branch, it will also be soon deprived of so many People. 4. Loss of Food. Suppose a Nation has a Fishery, which not only employs great Numbers, but makes the Food and Subsistence of the People cheaper: If another Nation becomes Master of the Seas, and prevents the Fishery, the People will diminish in Proportion as the Loss of Employ, and Dearness of Provision, makes it more difficult to subsist a Family. 5. Bad Government and insecure Property. People not only leave such a Country, and settling Abroad incorporate with other Nations, lose their native Language, and become Foreigners; but the Industry of those that remain being discourag'd, the Quantity of Subsistence in the Country is lessen'd, and the Support of a Family becomes more difficult. So heavy Taxes tend to diminish a People. 6. The Introduction of Slaves. The Negroes brought into the _English_ Sugar _Islands_, have greatly diminish'd the Whites there; the Poor are by this Means depriv'd of Employment, while a few Families acquire vast Estates; which they spend on Foreign Luxuries, and educating their Children in the Habit of those Luxuries; the same Income is needed for the Support of one that might have maintain'd 100. The Whites who have Slaves, not labouring, are enfeebled, and therefore not so generally prolific; the Slaves being work'd too hard, and ill fed, their Constitutions are broken, and the Deaths among them are more than the Births; so that a continual Supply is needed from _Africa_. The Northern Colonies having few Slaves increase in Whites. Slaves also pejorate the Families that use them; the white Children become proud, disgusted with Labour, and being educated in Idleness, are rendered unfit to get a Living by Industry. 14. Hence the Prince that acquires new Territory, if he finds it vacant, or removes the Natives to give his own People Room; the Legislator that makes effectual Laws for promoting of Trade, increasing Employment, improving Land by more or better Tillage; providing more Food by Fisheries; securing Property, &c. and the Man that invents new Trades, Arts or Manufactures, or new Improvements in Husbandry, may be properly called _Fathers_ of their Nation, as they are the Cause of the Generation of Multitudes, by the Encouragement they afford to Marriage. 15. As to Privileges granted to the married, (such as the _Jus trium Liberorum_ among the _Romans_), they may hasten the filling of a Country that has been thinned by War or Pestilence, or that has otherwise vacant Territory; but cannot increase a People beyond the Means provided for their Subsistence. 16. Foreign Luxuries & needless Manufactures imported and used in a Nation, do, by the same Reasoning, increase the People of the Nation that furnishes them, and diminish the People of the Nation that uses them. -- Laws therefore that prevent such Importations, and on the contrary promote the Exportation of Manufactures to be consumed in Foreign Countries, may be called (with Respect to the People that make them) _generative Laws_, as by increasing Subsistence they encourage Marriage. Such Laws likewise strengthen a Country, doubly, by increasing its own People and diminishing its Neighbours. 17. Some _European_ Nations prudently refuse to consume the Manufactures of _East-India_: -- They should likewise forbid them to their Colonies; for the Gain to the Merchant, is not to be compar'd with the Loss by this Means of People to the Nation. 18. Home Luxury in the Great, increases the Nation's Manufacturers employ'd by it, who are many, and only tends to diminish the Families that indulge in it, who are few. The greater the common fashionable Expence of any Rank of People, the more cautious they are of Marriage. Therefore Luxury should never be suffer'd to become common. 19. The great Increase of Offspring in particular Families, is not always owing to greater Fecundity of Nature, but sometimes to Examples of Industry in the Heads, and industrious Education; by which the Children are enabled to provide better for themselves, and their marrying early, is encouraged from the Prospect of good Subsistence. 20. If there be a Sect therefore, in our Nation, that regard Frugality and Industry as religious Duties, and educate their Children therein, more than others commonly do; such Sect must consequently increase more by natural Generation, than any other Sect in _Britain_. -- 21. The Importation of Foreigners into a Country that has as many Inhabitants as the present Employments and Provisions for Subsistence will bear; will be in the End no Increase of People; unless the New Comers have more Industry and Frugality than the Natives, and then they will provide more Subsistence, and increase in the Country; but they will gradually eat the Natives out. -- Nor is it necessary to bring in Foreigners to fill up any occasional Vacancy in a Country; for such Vacancy (if the Laws are good, (Symbol omitted) 14,16) will soon be filled by natural Generation. Who can now find the Vacancy made in _Sweden_, _France_ or other Warlike Nations, by the Plague of Heroism 40 Years ago; in _France_, by the Expulsion of the Protestants; in _England_, by the Settlement of her Colonies; or in _Guinea_, by 100 Years Exportation of Slaves, that has blacken'd half _America_? -- The thinness of Inhabitants in _Spain_, is owing to National Pride and Idleness, and other Causes, rather than to the Expulsion of the _Moors_, or to the making of new Settlements. 22. There is in short, no Bound to the prolific Nature of Plants or Animals, but what is made by their crowding and interfering with each others Means of Subsistence. Was the Face of the Earth vacant of other Plants, it might be gradually sowed and overspread with one Kind only; as, for Instance, with Fennel; and were it empty of other Inhabitants, it might in a few Ages be replenish'd from one Nation only; as, for Instance, with _Englishmen_. Thus there are suppos'd to be now upwards of One Million _English_ Souls in _North-America_, (tho' 'tis thought scarce 80,000 have been brought over Sea) and yet perhaps there is not one the fewer in _Britain_, but rather many more, on Account of the Employment the Colonies afford to Manufacturers at Home. This Million doubling, suppose but once in 25 Years, will in another Century be more than the People of _England_, and the greatest Number of _Englishmen_ will be on this Side the Water. What an Accession of Power to the _British_ Empire by Sea as well as Land! What Increase of Trade and Navigation! What Numbers of Ships and Seamen! We have been here but little more than 100 Years, and yet the Force of our Privateers in the late War, united, was greater, both in Men and Guns, than that of the whole _British_ Navy in Queen _Elizabeth_'s Time. -- How important an Affair then to _Britain_, is the present Treaty for settling the Bounds between her Colonies and the _French_, and how careful should she be to secure Room enough, since on the Room depends so much the Increase of her People? 23. In fine, A Nation well regulated is like a Polypus; take away a Limb, its Place is soon supply'd; cut it in two, and each deficient Part shall speedily grow out of the Part remaining. Thus if you have Room and Subsistence enough, as you may by dividing, make ten Polypes out of one, you may of one make ten Nations, equally populous and powerful; or rather, increase a Nation ten fold in Numbers and Strength. And since Detachments of _English_ from _Britain_ sent to _America_, will have their Places at Home so soon supply'd and increase so largely here; why should the _Palatine Boors_ be suffered to swarm into our Settlements, and by herding together establish their Language and Manners to the Exclusion of ours? Why should _Pennsylvania_, founded by the _English_, become a Colony of _Aliens_, who will shortly be so numerous as to Germanize us instead of our Anglifying them, and will never adopt our Language or Customs, any more than they can acquire our Complexion. 24. Which leads me to add one Remark: That the Number of purely white People in the World is proportionably very small. All _Africa_ is black or tawny. _Asia_ chiefly tawny. _America_ (exclusive of the new Comers) wholly so. And in _Europe_, the _Spaniards_, _Italians_, _French_, _Russians_ and _Swedes_, are generally of what we call a swarthy Complexion; as are the _Germans_ also, the _Saxons_ only excepted, who with the _English_, make the principal Body of White People on the Face of the Earth. I could wish their Numbers were increased. And while we are, as I may call it, _Scouring_ our Planet, by clearing _America_ of Woods, and so making this Side of our Globe reflect a brighter Light to the Eyes of Inhabitants in _Mars_ or _Venus_, why should we in the Sight of Superior Beings, darken its People? why increase the Sons of _Africa_, by Planting them in _America_, where we have so fair an Opportunity, by excluding all Blacks and Tawneys, of increasing the lovely White and Red? But perhaps I am partial to the Complexion of my Country, for such Kind of Partiality is natural to Mankind. 1751 _The Kite Experiment_ As frequent Mention is made in the News Papers from _Europe_, of the Success of the _Philadelphia_ Experiment for drawing the Electric Fire from Clouds by Means of pointed Rods of Iron erected on high Buildings, _&c._ it may be agreeable to the Curious to be inform'd, that the same Experiment has succeeded in _Philadelphia_, tho' made in a different and more easy Manner, which any one may try, as follows. Make a small Cross of two light Strips of Cedar, the Arms so long as to reach to the four Corners of a large thin Silk Handkerchief when extended; tie the Corners of the Handkerchief to the Extremities of the Cross, so you have the Body of a Kite; which being properly accommodated with a Tail, Loop and String, will rise in the Air, like those made of Paper; but this being of Silk is fitter to bear the Wet and Wind of a Thunder Gust without tearing. To the Top of the upright Stick of the Cross is to be fixed a very sharp pointed Wire, rising a Foot or more above the Wood. To the End of the Twine, next the Hand, is to be tied a silk Ribbon, and where the Twine and the silk join, a Key may be fastened. This Kite is to be raised when a Thunder Gust appears to be coming on, and the Person who holds the String must stand within a Door, or Window, or under some Cover, so that the Silk Ribbon may not be wet; and Care must be taken that the Twine does not touch the Frame of the Door or Window. As soon as any of the Thunder Clouds come over the Kite, the pointed Wire will draw the Electric Fire from them, and the Kite, with all the Twine, will be electrified, and the loose Filaments of the Twine will stand out every Way, and be attracted by an approaching Finger. And when the Rain has wet the Kite and Twine, so that it can conduct the Electric Fire freely, you will find it stream out plentifully from the Key on the Approach of your Knuckle. At this Key the Phial may be charg'd; and from Electric Fire thus obtain'd, Spirits may be kindled, and all the other Electric Experiments be perform'd, which are usually done by the Help of a rubbed Glass Globe or Tube; and thereby the _Sameness_ of the Electric Matter with that of Lightning compleatly demonstrated. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 19, 1752 _Join or Die_ Friday last an Express arrived here from Major Washington, with Advice, that Mr. Ward, Ensign of Capt. Trent's Company, was compelled to surrender his small Fort in the Forks of Monongahela to the French, on the 17th past; who fell down from Venango with a Fleet of 360 Battoes and Canoes, upwards of 1000 Men, and 18 Pieces of Artillery, which they planted against the Fort; and Mr. Ward having but 44 Men, and no Cannon to make a proper Defence, was obliged to surrender on Summons, capitulating to march out with their Arms, &c. and they had accordingly joined Major Washington, who was advanced with three Companies of the Virginia Forces, as far as the New Store near the Allegheny Mountains, where the Men were employed in clearing a Road for the Cannon, which were every Day expected with Col. Fry, and the Remainder of the Regiment. -- We hear farther, that some few of the English Traders on the Ohio escaped, but 'tis supposed the greatest Part are taken, with all their Goods, and Skins, to the Amount of near 20,000 pounds. The Indian Chiefs, however, have dispatch'd Messages to Pennsylvania, and Virginia, desiring that the English would not be discouraged, but send out their Warriors to join them, and drive the French out of the Country before they fortify; otherwise the Trade will be lost, and, to their great Grief, an eternal Separation made between the Indians and their Brethren the English. 'Tis farther said, that besides the French that came down from Venango, another Body of near 400, is coming up the Ohio; and that 600 French Indians, of the Chippaways and Ottaways, are coming down Siota River, from the Lake, to join them; and many more French are expected from Canada; the Design being to establish themselves, settle their Indians, and build Forts just on the Back of our Settlements in all our Colonies; from which Forts, as they did from Crown-Point, they may send out their Parties to kill and scalp the Inhabitants, and ruin the Frontier Counties. Accordingly we hear, that the Back Settlers in Virginia, are so terrify'd by the Murdering and Scalping of the Family last Winter, and the Taking of this Fort, that they begin already to abandon their Plantations, and remove to Places of more Safety. -- The Confidence of the French in this Undertaking seems well-grounded on the present disunited State of the British Colonies, and the extreme Difficulty of bringing so many different Governments and Assemblies to agree in any speedy and effectual Measures for our common Defence and Security; while our Enemies have the very great Advantage of being under one Direction, with one Council, and one Purse. Hence, and from the great Distance of Britain, they presume that they may with Impunity violate the most solemn Treaties subsisting between the two Crowns, kill, seize and imprison our Traders, and confiscate their Effects at Pleasure (as they have done for several Years past) murder and scalp our Farmers, with their Wives and Children, and take an easy Possession of such Parts of the British Territory as they find most convenient for them; which if they are permitted to do, must end in the Destruction of the British Interest, Trade and Plantations in America. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 9, 1754 _The Albany Plan of Union_ Plan of a Proposed Union of the Several Colonies of Masachusets-bay, New Hampshire, Coneticut, Rhode Island, New York, New Jerseys, Pensilvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, For their Mutual Defence and Security, and for Extending the British Settlements in North America. That humble Application be made for an Act of the Parliament of Great Britain, by Virtue of which, one General Government may be formed in America, including all the said Colonies, within and under which Government, each Colony may retain its present Constitution, except in the Particulars wherein a Change may be directed by the said Act, as hereafter follows. President General Grand Council. That the said General Government be administred by a President General, To be appointed and Supported by the Crown, and a Grand Council to be Chosen by the Representatives of the People of the Several Colonies, met in their respective Assemblies. Election of Members. That within Months after the passing of such Act, The House of Representatives in the Several Assemblies, that Happen to be Sitting within that time or that shall be Specially for that purpose Convened, may and Shall Choose Members for the Grand Council in the following Proportions, that is to say. Masachusets-Bay . . . . . 7. New Hampshire . . . . . . 2. Conecticut . . . . . . . 5. Rhode-Island . . . . . . 2. New-York . . . . . . . . 4. New-Jerseys . . . . . . . 3. Pensilvania . . . . . . . 6. Maryland . . . . . . . . 4. Virginia . . . . . . . . 7. North-Carolina . . . . . 4. South-Carolina . . . . . 4 ____ 48 Place of first meeting. Who shall meet for the first time at the City of Philadelphia, in Pensilvania, being called by the President General as soon as conveniently may be, after his Appointment. New Election. That there shall be a New Election of Members for the Grand Council every three years; And on the Death or Resignation of any Member his Place shall be Supplyed by a New Choice at the next Sitting of the Assembly of the Colony he represented. Proportion of Members after first 3 years. That after the first three years, when the Proportion of Money arising out of each Colony to the General Treasury can be known, The Number of Members to be Chosen, for each Colony shall from time to time in all ensuing Elections be regulated by that proportion (yet so as that the Number to be Chosen by any one Province be not more than Seven nor less than Two). Meetings of Grand Council. Call. That the Grand Council shall meet once in every Year, and oftner if Occasion require, at such Time and place as they shall adjourn to at the last preceeding meeting, or as they shall be called to meet at by the President General, on any Emergency, he having first obtained in Writing the Consent of seven of the Members to such call, and sent due and timely Notice to the whole. Speaker. Continuance. That the Grand Council have Power to Chuse their Speaker, and shall neither be Dissolved, prorogued nor Continue Sitting longer than Six Weeks at one Time without their own Consent, or the Special Command of the Crown. Member's Allowance That the Members of the Grand Council shall be Allowed for their Service ten shillings Sterling per Diem, during their Sessions or Journey to and from the Place of Meeting; Twenty miles to be reckoned a days Journey. Assent of President General. His Duty. That the Assent of the President General be requisite, to all Acts of the Grand Council, and that it be His Office, and Duty to cause them to be carried into Execution. Power of President and Grand Council. Peace and War. Indian Purchases. New Settlements. Laws to Govern them. That the President General with the Advice of the Grand Council, hold or Direct all Indian Treaties in which the General Interest or Welfare of the Colony's may be Concerned; And make Peace or Declare War with the Indian Nations. That they make such Laws as they Judge Necessary for regulating all Indian Trade. That they make all Purchases from Indians for the Crown, of Lands not within the Bounds of Particular Colonies, or that shall not be within their Bounds when some of them are reduced to more Convenient Dimensions. That they make New Settlements on such Purchases, by Granting Lands in the Kings Name, reserving a Quit Rent to the Crown, for the use of the General Treasury. That they make Laws for regulating and Governing such new Settlements, till the Crown shall think fit to form them into Particular Governments. Raise Soldiers &c. Lakes. Not to Impress Power to make Laws Duties &c. That they raise and pay Soldiers, and build Forts for the Defence of any of the Colonies, and equip Vessels of Force to Guard the Coasts and Protect the Trade on the Ocean, Lakes, or Great Rivers; But they shall not Impress Men in any Colonies, without the Consent of its Legislature. That for these purposes they have Power to make Laws And lay and Levy such General Duties, Imposts, or Taxes, as to them shall appear most equal and Just, Considering the Ability and other Circumstances of the Inhabitants in the Several Colonies, and such as may be Collected with the least Inconvenience to the People, rather discouraging Luxury, than Treasurer. Money how to Issue. Loading Industry with unnecessary Burthens. That they may Appoint a General Treasurer and a Particular Treasurer in each Government, when Necessary, And from Time to Time may Order the Sums in the Treasuries of each Government, into the General Treasury, or draw on them for Special payments as they find most Convenient; Yet no money to Issue, but by joint Orders of the President General and Grand Council Except where Sums have been Appropriated to particular Purposes, And the President General is previously impowered By an Act to draw for such Sums. Accounts. That the General Accounts shall be yearly Settled and Reported to the Several Assembly's. Quorum. Laws to be Transmitted. That a Quorum of the Grand Council impower'd to Act with the President General, do consist of Twenty-five Members, among whom there shall be one, or more from a Majority of the Colonies. That the Laws made by them for the Purposes aforesaid, shall not be repugnant but as near as may be agreeable to the Laws of England, and Shall be transmitted to the King in Council for Approbation, as Soon as may be after their Passing and if not disapproved within Three years after Presentation to remain in Force. Death of President General. That in case of the Death of the President General The Speaker of the Grand Council for the Time Being shall Succeed, and be Vested with the Same Powers, and Authority, to Continue until the King's Pleasure be known. Officers how Appointed. That all Military Commission Officers Whether for Land or Sea Service, to Act under this General Constitution, shall be Nominated by the President General But the Approbation of the Grand Council, is to be Vacancies how Supplied. Each Colony may defend itself on Emergency. Obtained before they receive their Commissions, And all Civil Officers are to be Nominated, by the Grand Council, and to receive the President General's Approbation, before they Officiate; But in Case of Vacancy by Death or removal of any Officer Civil or Military under this Constitution, The Governor of the Province, in which such Vacancy happens, may Appoint till the Pleasure of the President General and Grand Council can be known. That the Particular Military as well as Civil Establishments in each Colony remain in their present State, this General Constitution Notwithstanding. And that on Sudden Emergencies any Colony may Defend itself, and lay the Accounts of Expence thence Arisen, before the President General and Grand Council, who may allow and order payment of the same As far as they Judge such Accounts Just and reasonable. July 10, 1754 _Reasons and Motives for the Albany Plan of Union_ I. _Reasons and Motives on which the Plan of Union was formed._ The Commissioners from a number of the northern colonies being met at _Albany_, and considering the difficulties that have always attended the most necessary general measures for the common defence, or for the annoyance of the enemy, when they were to be carried through the several particular assemblies of all the colonies; some assemblies being before at variance with their governors or councils, and the several branches of the government not on terms of doing business with each other; others taking the opportunity, when their concurrence is wanted, to push for favourite laws, powers, or points that they think could not at other times be obtained, and so _creating_ disputes and quarrels; one assembly waiting to see what another will do, being afraid of doing more than its share, or desirous of doing less; or refusing to do any thing, because its country is not at present so much exposed as others, or because another will reap more immediate advantage; from one or other of which causes, the assemblies of six (out of seven) colonies applied to, had granted no assistance to _Virginia_, when lately invaded by the _French_, though purposely convened, and the importance of the occasion earnestly urged upon them: Considering moreover, that one principal encouragement to the French, in invading and insulting the British American dominions, was their knowledge of our disunited state, and of our weakness arising from such want of union; and that from hence different colonies were, at different times, extremely harassed, and put to great expence both of blood and treasure, who would have remained in peace, if the enemy had had cause to fear the drawing on themselves the resentment and power of the whole; the said Commissioners, considering also the present incroachments of the French, and the mischievous consequences that may be expected from them, if not opposed with our force, came to an unanimous resolution, -- _That an union of the colonies is absolutely necessary for their preservation._ The _manner_ of forming and establishing this union was the next point. When it was considered that the colonies were seldom all in equal danger at the same time, or equally near the danger, or equally sensible of it; that some of them had particular interests to manage, with which an union might interfere; and that they were extremely jealous of each other; -- it was thought impracticable to obtain a joint agreement of all the colonies to an union, in which the expence and burthen of defending any of them should be divided among them all; and if ever acts of assembly in all the colonies could be obtained for that purpose, yet as any colony, on the least dissatisfaction, might repeal its own act and thereby withdraw itself from the union, it would not be a stable one, or such as could be depended on: for if only one colony should, on any disgust withdraw itself, others might think it unjust and unequal that they, by continuing in the union, should be at the expence of defending a colony which refused to bear its proportionable part, and would therefore one after another, withdraw, till the whole crumbled into its original parts. -- Therefore the commissioners came to another previous resolution, viz. _That it was necessary the union should be established by act of parliament._ They then proceeded to sketch out a _plan of union_, which they did in a plain and concise manner, just sufficient to shew their sentiments of the kind of union that would best suit the circumstances of the colonies, be most agreeable to the people, and most effectually promote his Majesty's service and the general interest of the British empire. -- This was respectfully sent to the assemblies of the several colonies for their consideration, and to receive such alterations and improvements as they should think fit and necessary; after which it was proposed to be transmitted to _England_ to be perfected, and the establishment of it there humbly solicited. This was as much as the commissioners could do. [ ] II. _Reasons against partial Unions_. It was proposed by some of the Commissioners to form the colonies into two or three distinct unions; but for these reasons that proposal was dropped even by those that made it; _viz_. 1. In all cases where the strength of the whole was necessary to be used against the enemy, there would be the same difficulty in degree, to bring the several unions to unite together, as now the several colonies; and consequently the same delays on our part and advantage to the enemy. 2. Each union would separately be weaker than when joined by the whole, obliged to exert more force, be more oppressed by the expence, and the enemy less deterred from attacking it. 3. Where particular colonies have _selfish views_, as New York with regard to Indian trade and lands; or are _less exposed_, being covered by others, as New Jersey, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Maryland; or have _particular whims and prejudices_ against warlike measures in general, as Pensylvania, where the Quakers predominate; such colonies would have more weight in a partial union, and be better able to oppose and obstruct the measures necessary for the general good, than where they are swallowed up in the general union. 4. The _Indian_ trade would be better regulated by the union of the whole than by partial unions. And as _Canada_ is chiefly supported by that trade, if it could be drawn into the hands of the _English_, (as it might be if the Indians were supplied on moderate terms, and by honest traders appointed by and acting for the public) that alone would contribute greatly to the weakening of our enemies. 5. The establishing of new colonies westward on the _Ohio_ and the lakes, (a matter of considerable importance to the increase of _British_ trade and power, to the breaking that of the _French_, and to the protection and security of our present colonies,) would best be carried on by a joint union. 6. It was also thought, that by the frequent meetings-together of commissioners or representatives from all the colonies, the circumstances of the whole would be better known, and the good of the whole better provided for; and that the colonies would by this connection learn to consider themselves, not as so many independent states, but as members of the same body; and thence be more ready to afford assistance and support to each other, and to make diversions in favour even of the most distant, and to join cordially in any expedition for the benefit of all against the common enemy. These were the principal reasons and motives for forming the plan of union as it stands. To which may be added this, that as the union of the [ ] III. _Plan of a proposed Union of the several Colonies of_ Massachusett's Bay, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pensylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, _and_ South Carolina _for their mutual Defence and Security, and for extending the_ British _Settlements in_ North America, _with the Reasons and Motives for each Article of the Plan as far as could be remembered. It is proposed. -- That humble application be made for an act of parliament of _Great Britain_, by virtue of which one general government may be formed in _America_ including all the said colonies, within and under which government each colony may retain its present constitution, except in the particulars wherein a change may be directed by the said act as hereafter follows. _President General, and Grand Council._ That the said general government be administered by a President General to be appointed and supported by the crown; and a Grand Council to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several colonies met in their respective assemblies. It was thought that it would be best the President General should be supported as well as appointed by the crown; that so all disputes between him and the Grand Council concerning his salary might be prevented; as such disputes have been frequently of mischievous consequence in particular colonies, especially in time of public danger. The quit-rents of crown-lands in America, might in a short time be sufficient for this purpose. -- The choice of members for the grand council is placed in the house of representatives of each government, in order to give the people a share in this new general government, as the crown has its share by the appointment of the President General. But it being proposed by the gentlemen of the council of _New York_, and some other counsellors among the commissioners, to alter the plan in this particular, and to give the governors and council of the several provinces a share in the choice of the grand council, or at least a power of approving and confirming or of disallowing the choice made by the house of representatives, it was said: "That the government or constitution proposed to be formed by the plan, consists of two branches; a President General appointed by the crown, and a council chosen by the people, or by the people's representatives, which is the same thing. "That by a subsequent article, the council chosen by the people can effect nothing without the consent of the President General appointed by the crown; the crown possesses therefore full one half of the power of this constitution. "That in the British constitution, the crown is supposed to possess but one third, the Lords having their share. "That this constitution seemed rather more favourable for the crown. "That it is essential to English liberty, that the subject should not be taxed but by his own consent or the consent of his elected representatives. "That taxes to be laid and levied by this proposed constitution will be proposed and agreed to by the representatives of the people, if the plan in this particular be preserved: "But if the proposed alteration should take place, it seemed as if matters may be so managed as that the crown shall finally have the appointment not only of the President General, but of a majority of the grand council; for, seven out of eleven governors and councils are appointed by the crown: "And so the people in all the colonies would in effect be taxed by their governors. "It was therefore apprehended that such alterations of the plan would give great dissatisfaction, and that the colonies could not be easy under such a power in governors, and such an infringement of what they take to be _English_ liberty. "Besides, the giving a share in the choice of the grand council would not be equal with respect to all the colonies, as their constitutions differ. In some, both governor and council are appointed by the crown. In others, they are both appointed by the proprietors. In some, the people have a share in the choice of the council; in others, both government and council are wholly chosen by the people. But the house of representatives is every where chosen by the people; and therefore placing the right of choosing the grand council in the representatives, is equal with respect to all. "That the grand council is intended to represent all the several houses of representatives of the colonies, as a house of representatives doth the several towns or counties of a colony. Could all the people of a colony be consulted and unite in public measures, a house of representatives would be needless: and could all the assemblies conveniently consult and unite in general measures, the grand council would be unnecessary. "That a house of commons or the house of representatives, and the grand council, are thus alike in their nature and intention. And as it would seem improper that the King or house of Lords should have a power of disallowing or appointing members of the house of commons; -- so likewise that a governor and council appointed by the crown should have a power of disallowing or appointing members of the grand council, (who, in this constitution, are to be the representatives of the people.) "If the governors and councils therefore were to have a share in the choice of any that are to conduct this general government, it should seem more proper that they chose the President General. But this being an office of great trust and importance to the nation, it was thought better to be filled by the immediate appointment of the crown. "The power proposed to be given by the plan to the grand council is only a concentration of the powers of the several assemblies in certain points for the general welfare; as the power of the President General is of the powers of the several governors in the same points. "And as the choice therefore of the grand council by the representatives of the people, neither gives the people any new powers, nor diminishes the power of the crown, it was thought and hoped the crown would not disapprove of it." Upon the whole, the commissioners were of opinion, that the choice was most properly placed in the representatives of the people. _Election of Members._ That within months after the passing such act, the house of representatives that happen to be sitting within that time, or that shall be especially for that purpose convened, may and shall choose members for the grand council, in the following proportion, that is to say, _Massachussett's Bay_ . . . . . 7 _New Hampshire_ . . . . . . . . 2 _Connecticut_ . . . . . . . . 5 _Rhode Island_ . . . . . . . . 2 _New York_ . . . . . . . . . . 4 _New Jerseys_ . . . . . . . . . 3 _Pensylvania_ . . . . . . . . . 6 _Maryland_ . . . . . . . . . . 4 _Virginia_ . . . . . . . . . . 7 _North Carolina_ . . . . . . . 4 _South Carolina_ . . . . . . . 4 ____ 48 It was thought that if the least colony was allowed two, and the others in proportion, the number would be very great and the expence heavy; and that less than two would not be convenient, as a single person, being by any accident prevented appearing at the meeting, the colony he ought to appear for would not be represented. That as the choice was not immediately popular, they would be generally men of good abilities for business, and men of reputation for integrity; and that forty-eight such men might be a number sufficient. But, though it was thought reasonable that each colony should have a share in the representative body in some degree, according to the proportion it contributed to the general treasury; yet the proportion of wealth or power of the colonies is not to be judged by the proportion here fixed; because it was at first agreed that the greatest colony should not have more than seven members, nor the least less than two: and the settling these proportions between these two extremes was not nicely attended to, as it would find itself, after the first election from the sums brought into the treasury, as by a subsequent article. _Place of first Meeting._ -- who shall meet for the first time at the city of _Philadelphia_ in Pensylvania, being called by the President General as soon as conveniently may be after his appointment. _Philadelphia_ was named as being near the center of the colonies and where the Commissioners would be well and cheaply accommodated. The high-roads through the whole extent, are for the most part very good, in which forty or fifty miles a day may very well be and frequently are travelled. Great part of the way may likewise be gone by water. -- In summer-time the passages are frequently performed in a week from _Charles Town_ to Philadelphia and New York; and from _Rhode Island_ to New York through the Sound in two or three days; and from _New York_ to Philadelphia by water and land in two days, by stage-boats and wheel-carriages that set out every other day. The journey from _Charles Town_ to Philadelphia may likewise be facilitated by boats running up Chesapeak Bay three hundred miles. -- But if the whole journey be performed on horseback, the most distant members, (_viz_. the two from _New Hampshire_ and from _South Carolina_) may probably render themselves at Philadelphia in fifteen or twenty-days; -- the majority may be there in much less time. _New Election._ That there shall be a new election of the members of the Grand Council every three years; and on the death or resignation of any member, his place shall be supplied by a new choice at the next sitting of the assembly of the colony he represented. Some colonies have annual assemblies, some continue during a governor's pleasure; three years was thought a reasonable medium, as affording a new member time to improve himself in the business, and to act after such improvement; and yet giving opportunities, frequent enough, to change him if he has misbehaved. _Proportion of Members after the first three Years._ That after the first three years, when the proportion of money arising out of each colony to the general treasury can be known, the number of members to be chosen for each colony shall from time to time, in all ensuing elections, be regulated by that proportion (yet so as that the number to be chosen by any one province be not more than seven, nor less than two). By a subsequent article it is proposed, that the general council shall lay and levy such general duties as to them may appear most equal and least burthensome, &c. Suppose, for instance, they lay a small duty or excise on some commodity imported into or made in the colonies, and pretty generally and equally used in all of them; as rum perhaps, or wine: the yearly produce of this duty or excise, if fairly collected, would be in some colonies greater, in others less, as the colonies are greater or smaller. When the collectors accounts are brought in, the proportions will appear; and from them it is proposed to regulate the proportion of representatives to be chosen at the next general election, within the limits however of seven and two. These numbers may therefore vary in course of years, as the colonies may in the growth and increase of people. And thus the quota of tax from each colony would naturally vary with its circumstances; thereby preventing all disputes and dissatisfactions about the just proportions due from each; which might otherwise produce pernicious consequences, and destroy the harmony and good agreement that ought to subsist between the several parts of the union. _Meetings of the Grand Council, and Call._ That the Grand Council shall meet once in every year and oftener if occasion require, at such time and place as they shall adjourn to at the last preceding meeting, or as they shall be called to meet at by the President General on any emergency; he having first obtained in writing the consent of seven of the members to such call, and sent due and timely notice to the whole. It was thought, in establishing and governing new colonies or settlements, regulating _Indian_ trade, _Indian_ treaties, &c. there would be every year sufficient business arise to require at least one meeting, and at such meeting many things might be suggested for the benefit of all the colonies. This annual meeting may either be at a time or place certain, to be fixed by the President General and grand council at their first meeting; or left at liberty, to be at such time and place as they shall adjourn to, or be called to meet at by the President General. In _time of war_ it seems convenient, that the meeting should be in that colony, which is nearest the seat of action. The power of calling them on any emergency seemed necessary to be vested in the President General; but that such power might not be wantonly used to harass the members, and oblige them to make frequent long journies to little purpose, the consent of seven at least to such call was supposed a convenient guard. _Continuance._ That the Grand Council have power to choose their speaker; and shall neither be dissolved, prorogued, nor continued sitting longer than six weeks at one time; without their own consent or the special command of the crown. The speaker should be presented for approbation; it being convenient, to prevent misunderstandings and disgusts, that the mouth of the council should be a person agreeable, if possible, both to the council and the President General. Governors have sometimes wantonly exercised the power of proroguing or continuing the sessions of assemblies, merely to harass the members and compel a compliance; and sometimes dissolve them on slight disgusts. This it was feared might be done by the President General, if not provided against: and the inconvenience and hardship would be greater in the general government than in particular colonies, in proportion to the distance the members must be from home, during sittings, and the long journies some of them must necessarily take. _Members' Allowance._ That the members of the Grand Council shall be allowed for their service ten shillings sterling _per diem_, during their session and journey to and from the place of meeting; twenty miles to be reckoned a day's journey. It was thought proper to allow _some_ wages, lest the expence might deter some suitable persons from the service; -- and not to allow _too great_ wages, lest unsuitable persons should be tempted to cabal for the employment for the sake of gain. -- Twenty miles was set down as a day's journey to allow for accidental hinderances on the road, and the greater expences of travelling than residing at the place of meeting. _Assent of President General and his Duty._ That the assent of the President General be requisite to all acts of the Grand Council; and that it be his office and duty to cause them to be carried into execution. The assent of the President General to all acts of the grand council was made necessary, in order to give the crown its due share of influence in this government, and connect it with that of _Great Britain_. The President General, besides one half of the legislative power, hath in his hands the whole executive power. _Power of President General and Grand Council. Treaties of Peace and War._ That the President General, with the advice of the Grand Council, hold or direct all _Indian_ treaties in which the general interest of the colonies may be concerned; and make peace or declare war with Indian nations. The power of making peace or war with _Indian_ nations is at present supposed to be in every colony, and is expressly granted to some by charter, so that no new power is hereby intended to be granted to the colonies. -- But as, in consequence of this power, one colony might make peace with a nation that another was justly engaged in war with; or make war on slight occasions without the concurrence or approbation of neighbouring colonies, greatly endangered by it; or make particular treaties of neutrality in case of a general war, to their own private advantage in trade, by supplying the common enemy; of all which there have been instances -- it was thought better to have all treaties of a general nature under a general direction; that so the good of the whole may be consulted and provided for. _Indian Trade._ That they make such laws as they judge necessary for regulating all Indian trade. Many quarrels and wars have arisen between the colonies and Indian nations, through the bad conduct of traders; who cheat the Indians after making them drunk, &c. to the great expence of the colonies both in blood and treasure. Particular colonies are so interested in the trade as not to be willing to admit such a regulation as might be best for the whole; and therefore it was thought best under a general direction. _Indian Purchases._ That they make all purchases from Indians for the crown, of lands not now within the bounds of particular colonies or that shall not be within their bounds when some of them are reduced to more convenient dimensions. Purchases from the Indians made by private persons, have been attended with many inconveniences. They have frequently interfered, and occasioned uncertainty of titles, many disputes and expensive law-suits, and hindered the settlement of the land so disputed. Then the Indians have been cheated by such private purchases, and discontent and wars have been the consequence. These would be prevented by public fair purchases. Several of the colony charters in America extend their bounds to the _South Sea_, which may be perhaps three or four thousand miles in length to one or two hundred miles in breadth. It is supposed they must in time be reduced to dimensions more convenient for the common purposes of government. Very little of the land in those grants is yet purchased of the Indians. It is much cheaper to purchase of them, than to take and maintain the possession by force: for they are generally very reasonable in their demands for land; and the expence of guarding a large frontier against their incursions is vastly great; because all must be guarded and always guarded, as we know not where or when _to expect them_. _New Settlements._ That they make new settlements on such purchases by granting lands in the King's name, reserving a quit-rent to the crown for the use of the general treasury. It is supposed better that there should be one purchaser than many; and that the crown should be that purchaser, or the union in the name of the crown. By this means the bargains may be more easily made, the price not inhanced by numerous bidders, future disputes about private Indian purchases, and monopolies of vast tracts to particular persons (which are prejudicial to the settlement and peopling of a country) prevented; and the land being again granted in small tracts to the settlers, the quit-rents reserved may in time become a fund for support of government, for defence of the country, ease of taxes, &c. Strong forts on the lakes, the Ohio, &c. may at the same time they secure our present frontiers, serve to defend new colonies settled under their protection; and such colonies would also mutually defend and support such forts, and better secure the friendship of the far Indians. A particular colony has scarce strength enough to extend itself by new settlements, at so great a distance from the old: but the joint force of the union might suddenly establish a new colony or two in those parts, or extend an old colony to particular passes, greatly to the security of our present frontiers, increase of trade and people, breaking off the French communication between _Canada_ and _Louisiana_, and speedy settlement of the intermediate lands. The power of settling new colonies is therefore thought a valuable part of the plan; and what cannot so well be executed by two unions as by one. _Laws to govern them._ That they make laws for regulating and governing such new settlements, till the crown shall think fit to form them into particular governments. The making of laws suitable for the new colonies, it was thought would be properly vested in the President General and grand council; under whose protection they will at first necessarily be, and who would be well acquainted with their circumstances, as having settled them. When they are become sufficiently populous, they may by the crown, be formed into compleat and distinct governments. The appointment of a Sub-president by the crown, to take place in case of the death or absence of the President General, would perhaps be an improvement of the plan; and if all the governors of particular provinces were to be formed into a standing council of state, for the advice and assistance of the President General, it might be another considerable improvement. _Raise Soldiers and equip Vessels,_ &c. That they raise and pay soldiers and build forts for the defence of any of the colonies, and equip vessels of force to guard the coasts and protect the trade on the ocean, lakes, or great rivers; but they shall not impress men in any colony without the consent of the legislature. It was thought, that quotas of men to be raised and paid by the several colonies, and joined for any public service, could not always be got together with the necessary expedition. For instance, suppose one thousand men should be wanted in _New Hampshire_ on any emergency; to fetch them by fifties and hundreds out of every colony as far as _South Carolina_, would be inconvenient, the transportation chargeable, and the occasion perhaps passed before they could be assembled; and therefore that it would be best to raise them (by offering bounty-money and pay) near the place where they would be wanted, to be discharged again when the service should be over. Particular colonies are at present backward to build forts at their own expence, which they say will be equally useful to their neighbouring colonies; who refuse to join, on a presumption that such forts _will_ be built and kept up, though they contribute nothing. This unjust conduct weakens the whole; but the forts being for the good of the whole, it was thought best they should be built and maintained by the whole, out of the common treasury. In the time of war, small vessels of force are sometimes necessary in the colonies to scour the coast of small privateers. These being provided by the Union, will be an advantage in turn to the colonies which are situated on the sea, and whose frontiers on the land-side, being covered by other colonies, reap but little immediate benefit from the advanced forts. _Power to make Laws, lay Duties,_ &c. That for these purposes they have power to make laws, and lay and levy such general duties, imports, or taxes, as to them shall appear most equal and just, (considering the ability and other circumstances of the inhabitants in the several colonies,) and such as may be collected with the least inconvenience to the people; rather discouraging luxury, than loading industry with unnecessary burthens. The laws which the President General and grand council are impowered to make, _are such only_ as shall be necessary for the government of the settlements; the raising, regulating and paying soldiers for the general service; the regulating of Indian trade; and laying and collecting the general duties and taxes. (They should also have a power to restrain the exportation of provisions to the enemy from any of the colonies, on particular occasions, in time of war.) But it is not intended that they may interfere with the constitution and government of the particular colonies; who are to be left to their own laws, and to lay, levy, and apply their own taxes as before. _General Treasurer and Particular Treasurer._ That they may appoint a General Treasurer and Particular Treasurer in each government when necessary; and from time to time may order the sums in the treasuries of each government into the general treasury; or draw on them for special payments, as they find most convenient. The treasurers here meant are only for the general funds; and not for the particular funds of each colony, which remain in the hands of their own treasurers at their own disposal. _Money how to issue._ Yet no money to issue but by joint orders of the President General and Grand Council; except where sums have been appropriated to particular purposes, and the President General is previously impowered by an act to draw for such sums. To prevent misapplication of the money, or even application that might be dissatisfactory to the crown or the people, it was thought necessary to join the President General and grand council in all issues of money. _Accounts._ That the general Accounts shall be yearly settled and reported to the several assemblies. By communicating the accounts yearly to each assembly, they will be satisfied of the prudent and honest conduct of their representatives in the grand council. _Quorum._ That a quorum of the Grand Council impowered to act with the President General, do consist of twenty-five members; among whom there shall be one or more from a majority of the colonies. The quorum seems large, but it was thought it would not be satisfactory to the colonies in general, to have matters of importance to the whole transacted by a smaller number, or even by this number of twenty-five, unless there were among them one at least from a majority of the colonies; because otherwise the whole quorum being made up of members from three or four colonies at one end of the union, something might be done that would not be equal with respect to the rest, and thence dissatisfactions and discords might rise to the prejudice of the whole. _Laws to be transmitted._ That the laws made by them for the purposes aforesaid shall not be repugnant, but, as near as may be, agreeable to the laws of _England_, and shall be transmitted to the King in council for approbation as soon as may be after their passing; and if not disapproved within three years after presentation, to remain in force. This was thought necessary for the satisfaction of the crown, to preserve the connection of the parts of the _British_ empire with the whole, of the members with the head, and to induce greater care and circumspection in making of the laws, that they be good in themselves and for the general benefit. _Death of the President General._ That in case of the death of the President General, the speaker of the Grand Council for the time being shall succeed, and be vested with the same powers and authorities, to continue till the King's pleasure be known. It might be better, perhaps, as was said before, if the crown appointed a Vice President, to take place on the death or absence of the President General; for so we should be more sure of a suitable person at the head of the colonies. On the death or absence of both, the speaker to take place (or rather the eldest King's-governor) till his Majesty's pleasure be known. _Officers how appointed._ That all military commission officers, whether for land or sea service, to act under this general constitution, shall be nominated by the President General; but the approbation of the Grand Council is to be obtained, before they receive their commissions. And all civil officers are to be nominated by the Grand Council, and to receive the President General's approbation before they officiate. It was thought it might be very prejudicial to the service, to have officers appointed unknown to the people, or unacceptable; the generality of Americans serving willingly under officers they know; and not caring to engage in the service under strangers, or such as are often appointed by governors through favour or interest. The service here meant, is not the stated settled service in standing troops; but any sudden and short service, either for defence of our own colonies, or invading the enemies country; (such as, the expedition to _Cape Breton_ in the last war; in which many substantial farmers and tradesmen engaged as common soldiers under officers of their own country, for whom they had an esteem and affection; who would not have engaged in a standing army, or under officers from England.) -- It was therefore thought best to give the council the power of approving the officers, which the people will look upon as a great security of their being good men. And without some such provision as this, it was thought the expence of engaging men in the service on any emergency would be much greater, and the number who could be induced to engage much less; and that therefore it would be most for the King's service and general benefit of the nation, that the prerogative should relax a little in this particular throughout all the colonies in America; as it had already done much more in the charters of some particular colonies, viz. _Connecticut_ and _Rhode Island_. The civil officers will be chiefly treasurers and collectors of taxes; and the suitable persons are most likely to be known by the council. _Vacancies how supplied._ But in case of vacancy by death, or removal of any officer civil or military under this constitution, the governor of the province in which such vacancy happens, may appoint till the pleasure of the President General and Grand Council can be known. The vacancies were thought best supplied by the governors in each province, till a new appointment can be regularly made; otherwise the service might suffer before the meeting of the President General and grand council. _Each Colony may defend itself on Emergency,_ &c. That the particular military as well as civil establishments in each colony remain in their present state, the general constitution notwithstanding; and that on sudden emergencies any colony may defend itself and lay the accounts of expence thence arising before the President General and general council, who may allow and order payment of the same as far as they judge such accounts just and reasonable. Otherwise the Union of the whole would weaken the parts, contrary to the design of the union. The accounts are to be judged of by the President General and grand council, and allowed if found reasonable: this was thought necessary to encourage colonies to defend themselves, as the expence would be light when borne by the whole; and also to check imprudent and lavish expence in such defences. Remark, Feb. 9. 1789. On Reflection it now seems probable, that if the foregoing Plan or some thing like it, had been adopted and carried into Execution, the subsequent Separation of the Colonies from the Mother Country might not so soon have happened, nor the Mischiefs suffered on both sides have occurred, perhaps during another Century. For the Colonies, if so united, would have really been, as they then thought themselves, sufficient to their own Defence, and being trusted with it, as by the Plan, an Army from Britain, for that purpose would have been unnecessary: The Pretences for framing the Stamp-Act would then not have existed, nor the other Projects for drawing a Revenue from America to Britain by Acts of Parliament, which were the Cause of the Breach, and attended with such terrible Expence of Blood and Treasure: so that the different Parts of the Empire might still have remained in Peace and Union. But the Fate of this Plan was singular. For tho' after many Days thorough Discussion of all its Parts in Congress it was unanimously agreed to, and Copies ordered to be sent to the Assembly of each Province for Concurrence, and one to the Ministry in England for the Approbation of the Crown. The Crown disapprov'd it, as having plac'd too much Weight in the democratic Part of the Constitution; and every Assembly as having allow'd too much to Prerogative. So it was totally rejected. July, 1754; February 9, 1789 _No Taxation Without Representation: Three Letters of_ 1754 _to Governor William Shirley, with a Preface of_ 1766 _To the_ PRINTER _of the_ LONDON CHRONICLE. SIR, In July 1754, when from the encroachments of the French in America on the lands of the crown, and the interruption they gave to the commerce of this country among the Indians, a war was apprehended, commissioners from a number of the colonies met at Albany, to form a PLAN OF UNION for their common defence. The plan they agreed to was in short this; `That a grand council should be formed, of members to be chosen by the assemblies and sent from all the colonies; which council, together with a governor general to be appointed by the crown, should be empowered to make general laws to raise money in all the colonies for the defence of the whole.' This plan was sent to the government here for approbation: had it been approved and established by authority from hence, English America thought itself sufficiently able to cope with the French, without other assistance; several of the colonies having alone in former wars withstood the whole power of the enemy, unassisted not only by the mother country, but by any of the neighbouring provinces. The plan however was not approved here: but a new one was formed instead of it, by which it was proposed, that `the Governors of all the colonies, attended by one or two members of their respective councils, should assemble, concert measures for the defence of the whole, erect forts where they judged proper, and raise what troops they thought necessary, with power to draw on the treasury here for the sums that should be wanted; and the treasury to be reimbursed by a tax laid on the colonies by act of parliament.' This new plan being communicated by Governor _Shirley_ to a gentleman of Philadelphia, then in Boston, (who hath very eminently distinguished himself, before and since that time, in the literary world, and whose judgment, penetration and candor, as well as his readiness and ability to suggest, forward, or carry into execution every scheme of publick utility, hath most deservedly endeared him not only to our fellow subjects throughout the whole continent of North-America, but to his numberless friends on this side the Atlantic) occasioned the following remarks from him, which perhaps may contribute in some degree to its being laid aside. As they very particularly show the then sentiments of the Americans on the subject of a parliamentary tax, _before_ the French power in that country was subdued, and _before_ the late restraints on their commerce, they satisfy me, and I hope they will convince your readers, contrary to what has been advanced by some of your correspondents, that those particulars have had no share in producing the present opposition to such a tax, nor in the disturbances occasioned by it; which these papers indeed do almost prophetically foretell. For this purpose, having accidentally fallen into my hands, they are communicated to you by one who is, not _partially_, but in the _most enlarged sense_, A LOVER OF BRITAIN. SIR, _Tuesday Morning_. "I return the loose sheets of the plan, with thanks to your Excellency for communicating them. "I apprehend, that excluding the _People_ of the Colonies from all share in the choice of the Grand Council, will give extreme dissatisfaction, as well as the taxing them by Act of Parliament, where they have no Representative. It is very possible, that this general Government might be as well and faithfully administer'd without the people, as with them; but where heavy burthens are to be laid on them, it has been found useful to make it, as much as possible, their own act; for they bear better when they have, or think they have some share in the direction; and when any public measures are generally grievous or even distasteful to the people, the wheels of Government must move more heavily." December 3, 1754 Sir, Boston. December 4. 1754 I mention'd it Yesterday to your Excellency as my Opinion, that Excluding the People of the Colonies from all Share in the Choice of the Grand Council would probably give extreme Dissatisfaction, as well as the Taxing them by Act of Parliament where they have no Representative. In Matters of General Concern to the People, and especially where Burthens are to be laid upon them, it is of Use to consider as well what they will _be apt_ to think and say, as what they _ought_ to think: I shall, therefore, as your Excellency requires it of me, briefly mention what of either Kind occurs at present, on this Occasion. First, they will say, and perhaps with Justice, that the Body of the People in the Colonies are as loyal, and as firmly attach'd to the present Constitution and reigning Family, as any Subjects in the King's Dominions; that there is no Reason to doubt the Readiness and Willingness of their Representatives to grant, from Time to Time, such Supplies, for the Defence of the Country, as shall be judg'd necessary, so far as their Abilities will allow: That the People in the Colonies, who are to feel the immediate Mischiefs of Invasion and Conquest by an Enemy, in the Loss of their Estates, Lives and Liberties, are likely to be better Judges of the Quantity of Forces necessary to be raised and maintain'd, Forts to be built and supported, and of their own Abilities to bear the Expence, than the Parliament of England at so great a Distance. That Governors often come to the Colonies meerly to make Fortunes, with which they intend to return to Britain, are not always Men of the best Abilities and Integrity, have no Estates here, nor any natural Connections with us, that should make them heartily concern'd for our Welfare; and might possibly be sometimes fond of raising and keeping up more Forces than necessary, from the Profits accruing to themselves, and to make Provision for their Friends and Dependents. That the Councellors in most of the Colonies, being appointed by the Crown, on the Recommendation of Governors, are often of small Estates, frequently dependant on the Governors for Offices, and therefore too much under Influence. That there is therefore great Reason to be jealous of a Power in such Governors and Councils, to raise such Sums as they shall judge necessary, by Draft on the Lords of the Treasury, to be afterwards laid on the Colonies by Act of Parliament, and paid by the People here; since they might abuse it, by projecting useless Expeditions, harrassing the People, and taking them from their Labour to execute such Projects, and meerly to create Offices and Employments, gratify their Dependants and divide Profits. That the Parliament of England is at a great Distance, subject to be misinform'd by such Governors and Councils, whose united Interests might probably secure them against the Effect of any Complaints from hence. That it is suppos'd an undoubted Right of Englishmen not to be taxed but by their own Consent given thro' their Representatives. That the Colonies have no Representatives in Parliament. That to propose taxing them by Parliament, and refusing them the Liberty of chusing a Representative Council, to meet in the Colonies, and consider and judge of the Necessity of any General Tax and the Quantum, shews a Suspicion of their Loyalty to the Crown, or Regard for their Country, or of their Common Sense and Understanding, which they have not deserv'd. That compelling the Colonies to pay Money without their Consent would be rather like raising Contributions in an Enemy's Country, than taxing of Englishmen for their own publick Benefit. That it would be treating them as a conquer'd People, and not as true British Subjects. That a Tax laid by the Representatives of the Colonies might easily be lessened as the Occasions should lessen, but being once laid by Parliament, under the Influence of the Representations made by Governors, would probably be kept up and continued, for the Benefit of Governors, to the grievous Burthen and Discouragement of the Colonies, and preventing their Growth and Increase. That a Power in Governors to march the Inhabitants from one End of the British and French Colonies to the other, being a Country of at least 1500 Miles square, without the Approbation or Consent of their Representatives first obtain'd to such Expeditions, might be grievous and ruinous to the People, and would put them on a Footing with the Subjects of France in Canada, that now groan under such Oppression from their Governor, who for two Years past has harrass'd them with long and destructive Marches to the Ohio. That if the Colonies in a Body may be well governed by Governors and Councils appointed by the Crown, without Representatives, particular Colonies may as well or better be so governed; a Tax may be laid on them all by Act of Parliament, for Support of Government, and their Assemblies be dismiss'd as a useless Part of their Constitution. That the Powers propos'd, by the Albany Plan of Union to be vested in a Grand Council representative of the People, even with Regard to Military Matters, are not so great as those the Colonies of Rhode-Island and Connecticut are intrusted with, and have never abused; for by this Plan the President-General is appointed by the Crown, and controlls all by his Negative; but in those Governments the People chuse the Governor, and yet allow him no Negative. That the British Colonies, bordering on the French, are properly Frontiers of the British Empire; and that the Frontiers of an Empire are properly defended at the joint Expence of the Body of People in such Empire. It would now be thought hard, by Act of Parliament, to oblige the Cinque Ports or Sea Coasts of Britain to maintain the whole Navy, because they are more immediately defended by it, not allowing them, at the same Time, a Vote in chusing Members of Parliament: And if the Frontiers in America must bear the Expence of their own Defence, it seems hard to allow them no Share in Voting the Money, judging of the Necessity and Sum, or advising the Measures. That besides the Taxes necessary for the Defence of the Frontiers, the Colonies pay yearly great Sums to the Mother Country unnotic'd: For Taxes, paid in Britain by the Land holder or Artificer, must enter into and increase the Price of the Produce of Land, and of Manufactures made of it; and great Part of this is paid by Consumers in the Colonies, who thereby pay a considerable Part of the British Taxes. We are restrain'd in our Trade with Foreign Nations, and where we could be supplied with any Manufactures cheaper from them, but must buy the same dearer from Britain, the Difference of Price is a clear Tax to Britain. We are oblig'd to carry great Part of our Produce directly to Britain, and where the Duties there laid upon it lessens its Price to the Planter, or it sells for less than it would in Foreign Markets, the Difference is a Tax paid to Britain. Some Manufactures we could make, but are forbid, and must take them of British Merchants; the whole Price of these is a Tax paid to Britain. By our greatly increasing the _Consumption_ and _Demand_ of British Manufactures, their Price is considerably rais'd of late Years; the Advance is clear Profit to Britain, and enables its People better to pay great Taxes; and much of it being paid by us is clear Tax to Britain. In short, as we are not suffer'd to regulate our Trade, and restrain the Importation and Consumption of British Superfluities, (as Britain can the Consumption of Foreign Superfluities) our whole Wealth centers finally among the Merchants and Inhabitants of Britain, and if we make them richer, and enable them better to pay their Taxes, it is nearly the same as being taxed ourselves, and equally beneficial to the Crown. These Kind of Secondary Taxes, however, we do not complain of, tho' we have no Share in the Laying or Disposing of them; but to pay immediate heavy Taxes, in the Laying Appropriation or Disposition of which, we have no Part, and which perhaps we may know to be as unnecessary as grievous, must seem hard Measure to Englishmen, who cannot conceive, that by hazarding their Lives and Fortunes in subduing and settling new Countries, extending the Dominion and encreasing the Commerce of their Mother Nation, they have forfeited the native Rights of Britons, which they think ought rather to have been given them, as due to such Merit, if they had been before in a State of Slavery. These, and such Kind of Things as these, I apprehend will be thought and said by the People, if the propos'd Alteration of the Albany Plan should take Place. Then, the Administration of the Board of Governors and Council so appointed, not having any Representative Body of the People to approve and unite in its Measures, and conciliate the Minds of the People to them, will probably become suspected and odious. Animosities and dangerous Feuds will arise between the Governors and Governed, and every Thing go into confusion. Perhaps I am too apprehensive in this Matter, but having freely given my Opinion and Reasons, your Excellency can better judge whether there be any Weight in them. And the Shortness of the Time allow'd me will I hope, in some Degree, excuse the Imperfections of this Scrawl. With the greatest Respect and Fidelity, I am, Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble Servant. SIR, _Boston, Dec_. 22, 1754. "Since the conversation your Excellency was pleased to honour me with, on the subject of uniting the Colonies more intimately with Great Britain, by allowing them Representatives in Parliament, I have something further considered that matter, and am of opinion, that such an Union would be very acceptable to the Colonies, provided they had a reasonable number of Representatives allowed them; and that all the old Acts of Parliament restraining the trade or cramping the manufactures of the Colonies, be at the same time repealed, and the British Subjects on this side the water put, in those respects, on the same footing with those in Great Britain, 'till the new Parliament, representing the whole, shall think it for the interest of the whole to reenact some or all of them: It is not that I imagine so many Representatives will be allowed the Colonies, as to have any great weight by their numbers; but I think there might be sufficient to occasion those laws to be better and more impartially considered, and perhaps to overcome the private interest of a petty corporation, or of any particular set of artificers or traders in England, who heretofore seem, in some instances, to have been more regarded than all the Colonies, or than was consistent with the general interest, or best national good. I think too, that the government of the Colonies by a Parliament, in which they are fairly represented, would be vastly more agreeable to the people, than the method lately attempted to be introduced by Royal Instructions, as well as more agreeable to the nature of an English Constitution, and to English Liberty; and that such laws as now seem to bear hard on the Colonies, would (when judged by such a Parliament for the best interest of the whole) be more chearfully submitted to, and more easily executed. "I should hope too, that by such an union, the people of Great Britain and the people of the Colonies would learn to consider themselves, not as belonging to different Communities with different Interests, but to one Community with one Interest, which I imagine would contribute to strengthen the whole, and greatly lessen the danger of future separations. "It is, I suppose, agreed to be the general interest of any state, that it's people be numerous and rich; men enow to fight in its defence, and enow to pay sufficient taxes to defray the charge; for these circumstances tend to the security of the state, and its protection from foreign power: But it seems not of so much importance whether the fighting be done by John or Thomas, or the tax paid by William or Charles: The iron manufacture employs and enriches British Subjects, but is it of any importance to the state, whether the manufacturers live at Birmingham or Sheffield, or both, since they are still within its bounds, and their wealth and persons at its command? Could the Goodwin Sands be laid dry by banks, and land equal to a large country thereby gain'd to England, and presently filled with English Inhabitants, would it be right to deprive such Inhabitants of the common privileges enjoyed by other Englishmen, the right of vending their produce in the same ports, or of making their own shoes, because a merchant, or a shoemaker, living on the old land, might fancy it more for his advantage to trade or make shoes for them? Would this be right, even if the land were gained at the expence of the state? And would it not seem less right, if the charge and labour of gaining the additional territory to Britain had been borne by the settlers themselves? And would not the hardship appear yet greater, if the people of the new country should be allowed no Representatives in the Parliament enacting such impositions? Now I look on the Colonies as so many Counties gained to Great Britain, and more advantageous to it than if they had been gained out of the sea around its coasts, and joined to its land: For being in different climates, they afford greater variety of produce, and materials for more manufactures; and being separated by the ocean, they increase much more its shipping and seamen; and since they are all included in the British Empire, which has only extended itself by their means; and the strength and wealth of the parts is the strength and wealth of the whole; what imports it to the general state, whether a merchant, a smith, or a hatter, grow rich in _Old_ or _New_ England? And if, through increase of people, two smiths are wanted for one employed before, why may not the _new_ smith be allowed to live and thrive in the _new Country_, as well as the _old_ one in the _Old_? In fine, why should the countenance of a state be _partially_ afforded to its people, unless it be most in favour of those, who have most merit? and if there be any difference, those, who have most contributed to enlarge Britain's empire and commerce, encrease her strength, her wealth, and the numbers of her people, at the risque of their own lives and private fortunes in new and strange countries, methinks ought rather to expect some preference. "With the greatest respect and esteem I have the honour to be Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant." _The London Chronicle_, February 8, 1766 _A Dialogue Between X, Y, and Z, Concerning the Present State of Affairs in Pennsylvania_ _X_. Your Servant, Gentlemen; I am glad to see you at my House. Is there any thing new To-day? _Y_. We have been talking of the Militia Act; have you seen it? _X_. Yes; I have read it in the Papers. _Z_. And what do you think of it? _X_. The more I consider it, the better I like it. It appears to me a very good Act, and I am persuaded will be of good Use, if heartily carried into Execution. _Z_. Ay, that may be; but who is to carry it into Execution? It says the People may form themselves into Companies, and chuse their own Officers; but there is neither Time nor Place appointed for this Transaction, nor any Person directed or impowered to call them together. _X_. 'Tis true; but methinks there are some Words that point out the Method pretty plain to willing Minds. And it seems to me that we who joined so sincerely in the Petitions for a Militia Law, and really thought one so absolutely necessary for the Safety of our Country, should, now we have obtained the Law, rather endeavour to _explain_, than _invent_, Difficulties in the Construction of it. _Y_. What are those Words you mention? _X_. Here is the Act itself, I'll read that Part of it. ``From and after the Publication of this Act, it shall and may be lawful for the Freemen of this Province to form themselves into Companies, _as heretofore they have used in time of War without Law_, and for each Company, by Majority of Votes, in the Way of Ballot, to chuse its own Officers, _&c_." The Words I meant are these, _as heretofore they have used in Time of War_. Now I suppose we have none of us forgot the Association in the Time of the last War; 'tis not so long since, but that we may well enough remember the Method we took to form ourselves into Companies, chuse our Officers, and present them to the Governor for Approbation and Commissions; and the Act in question says plainly, we may now _lawfully do_ in this Affair, what we then did _without Law_. _Y_. I did not before take so much Notice of those Words, but to be sure the Thing is easy enough; for I remember very well how we managed at that Time; and indeed 'tis easier to effect it now than it was then: For the Companies and Regiments, and their Districts, _&c_. were then all to form and settle; but now, why may not the Officers of the old Companies call the old Associators together, with such others in the District of each Company as incline to be concerned, and proceed immediately to a new Choice by Virtue of the Act? Other new Companies may in other Places be formed as the associated Companies were. _Z_. You say right. And if this were all the Objection to the Act, no Doubt they would do so immediately. But 'tis said there are other Faults in it. _X_. What are they? _Z_. The Act is so loose, that Persons who never intend to engage in the Militia, even _Quakers_ may meet and vote in the Choice of the Officers. _X_. Possibly; -- but was any such thing observed in the Association Elections? _Z_. Not that I remember. _X_. Why should it be more apprehended now, than it was at that Time? Can they have any Motives to such a Conduct now, which they had not then? _Z_. I cannot say. _X_. Nor can I. If a Militia be necessary for the Safety of the Province, I hope we shall not boggle at this little Difficulty. What else is objected? _Z_. I have heard this objected, That it were better the Governor should appoint the Officers; for the Choice being in the People, a Man very unworthy to be an Officer, may happen to be popular enough to get himself chosen by the undiscerning Mob. _X_. 'Tis possible. And if all Officers appointed by Governors were always Men of Merit, and fully qualified for their Posts, it would be wrong ever to hazard a popular Election. It is reasonable, I allow, that the Commander in Chief should not have Officers absolutely forced upon him, in whom, from his Knowledge of their Incapacity, he can place no Confidence. And, on the other Hand, it seems likely that the People will engage more readily in the Service, and face Danger with more Intrepidity, when they are commanded by a Man they know and esteem, and on whose Prudence and Courage, as well as Good-will and Integrity, they can have Reliance, than they would under a Man they either did not know, or did not like. For supposing Governors ever so judicious and upright in the Distribution of Offices, they cannot know every Body, in every Part of the Province, and are liable to be imposed on by partial Recommendations; but the People generally know their Neighbours. And to me, the Act in question seems to have hit a proper Medium, between the two Modes of appointing: The People chuse, and if the Governor approves, he grants the Commission; if not, they are to chuse a second, and even a third Time. Out of three Choices, 'tis probable one may be right; and where an Officer is approved both by Superiors and Inferiors, there is the greater Prospect of those Advantages that attend a good Agreement in the Service. This Mode of Choice is moreover agreeable to the Liberty and Genius of our Constitution. 'Tis similar to the Manner in which by our Laws Sheriffs and Coroners are chosen and approved. And yet it has more Regard to the Prerogative than the Mode of Choice in some Colonies, where the military Officers are either chosen absolutely by the Companies themselves, or by the House of Representatives, without any Negative on that Choice, or any Approbation necessary from the Governor. _Y_. But is that agreeable to the _English_ Constitution? _X_. Considered in this Light, I think it is; _British_ Subjects, by removing into _America_, cultivating a Wilderness, extending the Dominion, and increasing the Wealth, Commerce and Power of their Mother Country, at the Hazard of their Lives and Fortunes, ought not, and in Fact do not thereby lose their native Rights. There is a Power in the Crown to grant a Continuance of those Rights to such Subjects, in any Part of the World, and to their Posterity born in such new Country; and for the farther Encouragement and Reward of such Merit, to grant _additional_ Liberties and Privileges, not used in _England_, but suited to the different Circumstances of different Colonies. If then the Grants of those additional Liberties and Privileges may be regularly made under an _English_ Constitution, they may be enjoyed agreeable to that Constitution. _Y_. But the Act is very short, there are numberless Circumstances and Occasions pertaining to a Body of armed Men, which are not as they ought to have been expressly provided for in the Act. _X_. 'Tis true, there are not express Provisions in the Act for all Circumstances; but there is a Power lodged by the Act in the Governor and Field Officers of the Regiments, to make all such Provisions, in the Articles of War, which they may form and establish. _Y_. But can it be right in the Legislature by any Act to delegate their Power of making Laws to others? _X_. I believe not, generally; but certainly in particular Cases it may. Legislatures may, and frequently do give to Corporations, Power to make By-Laws for their own Government. And in this Case, the Act of Parliament gives the Power of making Articles of War for the Government of the Army to the King alone, and there is no Doubt but the Parliament understand the Rights of Government. _Y_. Are you sure the Act of Parliament gives such Power? _X_. This is the Act. The Power I mention is here in Section LV. "Provided always, That it shall and may be lawful to and for his Majesty, to form, make and establish Articles of War for the better Government of his Majesty's Forces, and for bringing Offenders against the same to Justice; and to erect and constitute Courts Martial, with Power to try, hear, and determine any Crimes or Offences by such Articles of War, and inflict Penalties by Sentence or Judgment of the same." And here you see bound up with the Act, the Articles of War, made by his Majesty in Pursuance of the Act, and providing for every Circumstance. _Z_. It is so, sure enough. I had been told that our Act of Assembly was impertinently singular in this Particular. _X_. The G ------ r himself, in a Message to the House, expresly recommended this Act of Parliament for their Imitation, in forming the Militia Bill. _Z_. I never heard that before. _X_. But it is true. -- The Assembly, however (considering that this Militia would consist chiefly of Freeholders) have varied a little from that Part of the Act of Parliament, in Favour of Liberty; they have not given the sole Power of making those Articles of War _to the Governor_, as that Act does _to the King_; but have joined with the Governor, for that Purpose, a Number of Officers to be chosen by the People. The Articles moreover are not to be general Laws, binding on all the Province, nor on any Man who has not first approved of them, and voluntarily engaged to observe them. _Z_. Is there no Danger that the Governor and Officers may make those Articles too severe? _X_. Not without you can suppose them Enemies to the Service, and to their Country: For if they should make such as are unfit for Freemen and _Englishmen_ to be subjected to, they will get no Soldiers; no body will engage. In some Cases, however, if you and I were in actual Service, I believe we should both think it necessary for our own Safety that the Articles should be pretty severe. _Z_. What Cases are they? _X_. Suppose a Centinel should betray his Trust, give Intelligence to the Enemy, or conduct them into our Quarters. _Z_. To be sure there should be severe Punishments for such Crimes, or we might all be ruined. _X_. Chuse reasonable Men for your Officers, and you need not fear their making reasonable Laws; and if they make such, I hope reasonable Men will not refuse to engage under them. _Y_. But here is a Thing I don't like. By this Act of Assembly, the _Quakers_ are neither compelled to muster, nor to pay a Fine if they don't. _X_. It is true; nor could they be compelled either to muster or pay a Fine of that Kind by any Militia Law made here. They are exempted by the Charter and fundamental Laws of the Province. _Y_. How so? _X_. See here; it is the first Clause in the Charter. I'll read it. "Because no People can be truly happy, though under the greatest Enjoyment of civil Liberties, if abridged of the Freedom of their Consciences, as to their _Religous Profession_ and Worship: And Almighty God being the only Lord of Conscience, Father of Lights and Spirits, and the Author as well as Object of all divine Knowledge, Faith and Worship, who only doth enlighten the Minds, and persuade and convince the Understandings of People, I do hereby grant and declare, That no Person or Persons inhabiting in this Province or Territories, who shall confess and acknowledge one Almighty God, the Creator, Upholder and Ruler of the World; and profess him or themselves obliged to live quietly under the civil Government, shall be, IN ANY CASE, MOLESTED or PREJUDICED in his or their PERSON or ESTATE, because of his or their _conscientious Persuasion_ or Practice, nor be compelled to frequent or maintain any religious Worship, Place or Ministry, contrary to his or their Mind, or to DO or SUFFER any OTHER ACT or THING, contrary to their religious Persuasion." And in the eighth Section of the same Charter, you see a Declaration, that "neither the Proprietor, nor his Heirs or Assigns, shall procure or do any Thing or Things, whereby the Liberties in this Charter contained or expressed, nor any Part thereof, shall be infringed or broken; and if any Thing shall be procured or done by _any Person or Persons_, contrary to these Presents, it shall be held of NO FORCE OR EFFECT." This Liberty of Conscience granted by Charter, is also established by the first Law in our Book, and confirmed by the Crown. -- And moreover, the Governor has an express Instruction from the Proprietaries, that in case of making any Militia Law, he shall take especial Care that the Charter be not infringed in this Respect. Besides, most of our Petitions for a Militia from the moderate Part of the People, requested particularly that due Regard might be had to scrupulous and tender Consciences. When Taxes are raised however, for the King's Service, the _Quakers_ and _Menonists_ pay their Part of them, and a great Part; for as their Frugality and Industry makes them generally wealthy, their Proportion is the greater compared with their Numbers. And out of these Taxes those Men are paid who go into actual Service. As for Mustering and Training, no Militia are any where paid for that. It is by many justly delighted in as a manly Exercise. But those who are engaged in actual Service for any Time, ought undoubtedly to have Pay. _Y_. There is no Provision in this Militia Act to pay them. _X_. There is a Provision that no Regiment, Company, or Party, though engaged in the Militia, shall be obliged "to more than three Days March, _&c_. without an Express Engagement for that Purpose first voluntarily entred into and subscribed by every Man so to march or remain in Garrison." And 'tis to be supposed that no Man will subscribe such particular Engagement without reasonable Pay, or other Encouragement. _Y_. But where is that Pay to come from? _X_. From the Government to be sure; and out of the Money struck by the Act for granting pounds 60,000. _Z_. Yes; but those who serve must pay their Share of the Tax, as well as those who don't. _X_. Perhaps not. 'Tis to be supposed that those who engage in the Service for any Time, upon Pay, will be chiefly single Men, and they are expresly exempted from the Tax by the 60,000 pounds Act. Consequently those who do not serve, must pay the more; for the Sum granted must be made up. _Z_. I never heard before that they were exempted by that Act. _X_. It is so, I assure you. _Y_. But there is no Provision in the Militia Act for the Maimed. _X_. If they are poor, they are provided for by the Laws of their Country. There is no other Provision by any Militia Law that I know of. If they have behaved well, and suffered in their Country's Cause, they deserve moreover some grateful Notice of their Service, and some Assistance from the common Treasury; and if any particular Township should happen to be overburthened, they may, on Application to the Government, reasonably expect Relief. _Z_. Though the _Quakers_ and others conscientiously scrupulous of bearing Arms, are exempted, as you say, by Charter; they might, being a Majority in the Assembly, have made the Law compulsory on others. At present, 'tis so loose, that no body is obliged by it, who does not voluntarily engage. _X_. They might indeed have made the Law compulsory on all others. But it seems they thought it more equitable and generous to leave to all as much Liberty as they enjoy themselves, and not lay even a seeming Hardship on others, which they themselves declined to bear. They have however granted all we asked of them. Our Petitions set forth, that "we were freely willing and ready to defend ourselves and Country, and all we wanted was legal Authority, Order and Discipline." These are now afforded by the Law, if we think fit to make use of them. And indeed I do not see the Advantage of compelling People of any Sect into martial Service merely for the Sake of raising Numbers. I have been myself in some Service of Danger, and I always thought Cowards rather _weakened_, than _strengthened_, the Party. Fear is contagious, and a Pannick once begun spreads like Wildfire, and infects the stoutest Heart. All Men are not by Nature brave: And a few who are so, will do more effectual Service by themselves, than when accompanied by, and mixed with, a Multitude of Poltroons, who only create Confusion, and give Advantage to the Enemy. _Z_. What signifies what _you thought_ or think? Others think differently. And all the wise Legislatures in the other Colonies have thought fit to compel all Sorts of Persons to bear Arms, or suffer heavy Penalties. _X_. As you say, what I _thought_ or _think_ is not of much Consequence. But a wiser Legislator than all those you mention put together, and who better knew the Nature of Mankind, made his military Law very different from theirs in that Respect. _Z_. What Legislator do you mean? _X_. I mean God himself, who would have no Man led to Battle that might rather wish to be at home, either from Fear or other Causes. _Z_. Where do you find that Law? _X_. 'Tis in the 20th Chapter of _Deuteronomy_, where are these Words, _When thou goest out to Battle against thine Enemies,_ -- _the Officers shall speak unto the People, saying, What Man is there that hath built a new House, and hath not dedicated it? let him go and return to his House, lest he die in the Battle, and another Man dedicate it. And what Man is he that hath planted a Vineyard, and hath not yet eaten of it? let him also go, and return unto his House, lest he die in the Battle, and another Man eat of it. And what Man is there that hath betrothed a Wife, and hath not taken her? let him go and return unto his House, lest he die in Battle, and another Man take her_. -- _And_ -- _Z_. These all together could not be many; and this has no Relation to Cowardice. _X_. If you had not interrupted me, I was coming to that Part, Verse 8. _And the Officers shall speak farther unto the People, and they shall say, What Man is there that is_ FEARFUL _and_ FAINTHEARTED? let him go and return unto his House; lest his Brethrens Heart faint as well as his Heart;_ that is, lest he communicate his Fears, and his brave Brethren catch the Contagion, to the Ruin of the whole Army. Accordingly we find, that under this military Law, no People in the World fought more gallantly, or performed greater Actions than the _Hebrew_ Soldiery. -- And if you would be informed what Proportion of the People would be discharged by such a Proclamation, you will find that Matter determined by an actual Experiment made by General _Gideon_, as related in the seventh Chapter of _Judges_: For he having assembled 32,000 Men against the _Midianites_, proclaimed, according to Law (Verse the third) _Whosoever is_ FEARFUL _and_ AFRAID, _let him return and depart early from_ Mount Gilead. _Z_. And pray how many departed? _X_. The Text says, there departed 22,000, and there remained but 10,000. A very great Sifting! and yet on that particular Occasion a farther Sifting was required. Now it seems to me, that this Militia Law of ours, which gives the Brave all the Advantages they can desire, of Order, Authority, Discipline, and the like, and compels no Cowards into their Company, is such a Kind of Sieve, as the _Mosaic_ Proclamation. For with us, not only every Man who has built a House, or planted a Vineyard, or betrothed a Wife, or is afraid of his Flesh; but the narrow Bigot, filled with _Sectarian_ Malice (if such there be) who hates _Quakers_ more than he loves his Country, his Friends, his Wife or Family, may say: _I won't engage, for I don't like the Act;_ or, _I don't like the Officers that are chosen;_ or, _I don't like the Articles of War;_ and so we shall not be troubled with them, but all that engage will be hearty. _Z_. For my Part, I am no Coward; but hang me if I'll fight to save the _Quakers_. _X_. That is to say, you won't pump Ship, because 'twill save the Rats, -- as well as yourself. _Y_. You have answered most of the Objections I have heard against the Act, to my Satisfaction; but there is one remaining. The Method of carrying it into Execution seems so round about, I am afraid we cannot have the Benefit of it in any reasonable Time. _X_. I cannot see much in that Objection. The several Neighbourhoods out of which Companies are formed may meet and chuse their Company-Officers in one and the same Day; and the Regiments may be formed, and the Field Officers chosen in a Week or ten Days after, who may immediately proceed to consider the several Militia Laws of _Britain_ and the Colonies, and (with the Governor) form out of them such Articles, as will appear most suitable for the Freemen of this Province, who incline to bear Arms voluntarily; and the Whole may be in Order in a Month from the first Elections, if common Diligence be used. -- And indeed, as the Colonies are at present the Prize contended for between _Britain_ and _France_, and the latter, by the last Advices, seems to be meditating some grand Blow, Part of which may probably fall on _Pennsylvania_, either by Land or Sea, or both, it behoves us, I think, to make the best Use we can of this Act, and carry it immediately into Execution both in Town and Country. If there are material Defects in it, Experience will best discover them, and show what is proper or necessary to amend them. -- The approaching Winter will afford us some Time to arm and prepare, and more Leisure than other Seasons for Exercising and Improving in good Discipline. _Z_. But if this Act should be carried into Execution, prove a good One, and answer the End; what shall we have to say against the _Quakers_ at the next Election? _X_. O my Friends, let us on this Occasion cast from us all these little Party Views, and consider ourselves as _Englishmen_ and _Pennsylvanians_. Let us think only of the Service of our King, the Honour and Safety of our Country, and Vengeance on its Murdering Enemies. -- If Good be done, what imports it by whom 'tis done? -- The Glory of serving and saving others, is superior to the Advantage of being served or secured. Let us resolutely and generously unite in our Country's Cause (in which to die is the sweetest of all Deaths) and may the God of Armies bless our honest Endeavours. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 18, 1755 _A Parable Against Persecution_ CHAP. XXVII 1. And it came to pass after these Things, that Abraham sat in the Door of his Tent, about the going down of the Sun. 2. And behold a Man, bowed with Age, came from the Way of the Wilderness, leaning on a Staff. 3. And Abraham arose and met him, and said unto him, Turn in, I pray thee, and wash thy Feet, and tarry all Night, and thou shalt arise early on the Morrow, and go on thy Way. 4. And the Man said, Nay, for I will abide under this Tree. 5. But Abraham pressed him greatly; so he turned, and they went into the Tent; and Abraham baked unleavend Bread, and they did eat. 6. And when Abraham saw that the Man blessed not God, he said unto him, Wherefore dost thou not worship the most high God, Creator of Heaven and Earth? 7. And the Man answered and said, I do not worship the God thou speakest of; neither do I call upon his Name; for I have made to myself a God, which abideth alway in mine House, and provideth me with all Things. 8. And Abraham's Zeal was kindled against the Man; and he arose, and fell upon him, and drove him forth with Blows into the Wilderness. 9. And at Midnight God called unto Abraham, saying, Abraham, where is the Stranger? 10. And Abraham answered and said, Lord, he would not worship thee, neither would he call upon thy Name; therefore have I driven him out from before my Face into the Wilderness. 11. And God said, Have I born with him these hundred ninety and eight Years, and nourished him, and cloathed him, notwithstanding his Rebellion against me, and couldst not thou, that art thyself a Sinner, bear with him one Night? 12. And Abraham said, Let not the Anger of my Lord wax hot against his Servant. Lo, I have sinned; forgive me, I pray Thee: 13. And Abraham arose and went forth into the Wilderness, and sought diligently for the Man, and found him, and returned with him to his Tent; and when he had entreated him kindly, he sent him away on the Morrow with Gifts. 14. And God spake again unto Abraham, saying, For this thy Sin shall thy Seed be afflicted four Hundred Years in a strange Land: 15. But for thy Repentance will I deliver them; and they shall come forth with Power, and with Gladness of Heart, and with much Substance. 1755 _A Parable on Brotherly Love_ 1 In those days there was no Worker of Iron in all the Land, And the Merchants of Midian passed by with their Camels, bearing Spices, and Myrrh, and Balm, and Wares of Iron. And Reuben bought an Ax from the Ishmaelite Merchants, which he prized highly, for there were none in his Father's house. 2 And Simeon said unto Reuben his Brother, lend me I pray thee, thine Ax: But he refused, and would not. 3 And Levi also said unto him, My Brother, lend me thine Ax. And he refused him also. 4 Then came Judah unto Reuben and entreated him, saying, Lo, thou lovest me, and I have always loved thee do not refuse me the use of thine Ax, for I desire it earnestly. 5 But Reuben turned from him, and refused him Like-wise. 6 Now it came to pass that Reuben hewed Timber on the Bank of the River, and the Ax fell therein, and he could by no means find it. 7 But Simeon, Levi and Judah, had sent a Mesenger after the Ishmaelites with money and had bought for each of them an Ax also. 8 Then came Reuben unto Simeon, and said unto him, Lo, I have lost mine Ax, and my work is unfinished, lend me thine I pray thee. 9 And Simeon answered, saying, Thou wouldst not lend me thine Ax, therefore will I not lend thee mine. 10 Then went he unto Levi, and said unto him, My Brother, thou knowest my Loss and my Necessity; lend me, I pray thee, thine Ax. 11 And Levi reproached him, saying, Thou wouldest not lend me thine when I desired it, but I will be better than thee, and will lend thee mine. 12 And Reuben was grieved at the Rebuke of Levi; and being ashamed, turned from him, and took not the Ax; but sought his Brother Judah. 13 And as he drew near, Judah beheld his Countenance as it were confused with Grief and shame; and he prevented him, saying, My Brother, I know thy Loss, but why should it grieve thee? Lo, have I not an Ax that will serve both thee and me? take it I pray thee, and use it as thine own. 14 And Reuben fell on his Neck, and kissed him with Tears, saying, Thy Kindness is great, but thy Goodness in forgiving me is greater. Lo thou art indeed a Brother, and whilst I live will I surely love thee. 15 And Judah said, Let us also love our other Brethren; Behold, are we not all of one Blood. 16 And Joseph saw these Things, and reported them to his Father Jacob. 17 And Jacob said, Reuben did wrong but he repented, Simeon also did wrong, and Levi was not altogether blameless. 18 But the Heart of Judah is princely. Judah hath the Soul of a King. His Fathers Children shall bow down before him, and he shall rule over his Brethren, nor shall the Sceptre depart from his house, nor a Lawgiver from between his Feet, until Shiloh come. 1755 LETTERS "I CONCLUDED TO SEND YOU A SPINNING WHEEL" _To Jane Franklin_ DEAR SISTER, _Philadelphia, January_ 6, 1726-7. I am highly pleased with the account captain Freeman gives me of you. I always judged by your behaviour when a child that you would make a good, agreeable woman, and you know you were ever my peculiar favourite. I have been thinking what would be a suitable present for me to make, and for you to receive, as I hear you are grown a celebrated beauty. I had almost determined on a tea table, but when I considered that the character of a good housewife was far preferable to that of being only a pretty gentlewoman, I concluded to send you a _spinning wheel_, which I hope you will accept as a small token of my sincere love and affection. Sister, farewell, and remember that modesty, as it makes the most homely virgin amiable and charming, so the want of it infallibly renders the most perfect beauty disagreeable and odious. But when that brightest of female virtues shines among other perfections of body and mind in the same person, it makes the woman more lovely than an angel. Excuse this freedom, and use the same with me. I am, dear Jenny, your loving brother, "TOO SEVERE UPON HOBBES" _To James Logan_ Having read the Chapter on Moral Good or Virtue, with all the Attention I am Capable of, amidst the many little Cares that Continually infest me, I shall, as the Author Condescends to desire, give my Opinion of it, and that with all Sincerity and Freedom, neither apprehending the Imputation of Flattery on the one hand, nor that of Ill Manners on the other. I think the Design excellent -- and the Management of it in the Main, good; a short Summary of the Chapter plac'd at the Beginning, and little Summaries of each Paragraph in the Margin being only necessary, and what will in my Opinion sufficiently remove any Disgust that the Authors dilate Manner of Writing may give to some Readers; And the whole is so curious and entertaining, that I know not where any thing can be spared. It seems to me that the Author is a little too severe upon Hobbes, whose Notion, I imagine, is somewhat nearer the Truth than that which makes the State of Nature a State of Love: But the Truth perhaps lies between both Extreams. I think what is said upon Musick, might be enlarg'd to Advantage by showing that what principally makes a Tune agreeable, is the Conformity between its Air or Genius, and some Motion, Passion or Affection of the Mind, which the Tune imitates. I should have been glad to have seen the Virtues enumerated, distinguish'd, and the proper Ideas affix'd to each Name; which I have not yet seen, scarce two Authors agreeing therein, some annexing more, others fewer and different Ideas to the Same Name. But I think there is some Incorrectness of Sentiment in what the Author has said of Temperance concerning which I have not time to explain myself in writing. 1737? "OPINIONS SHOULD BE JUDG'D OF BY THEIR INFLUENCES" _To Josiah and Abiah Franklin_ Honour'd Father and Mother April 13. 1738 I have your Favour of the 21st of March in which you both seem concern'd lest I have imbib'd some erroneous Opinions. Doubtless I have my Share, and when the natural Weakness and Imperfection of Human Understanding is considered, with the unavoidable Influences of Education, Custom, Books and Company, upon our Ways of thinking, I imagine a Man must have a good deal of Vanity who believes, and a good deal of Boldness who affirms, that all the Doctrines he holds, are true; and all he rejects, are false. And perhaps the same may be justly said of every Sect, Church and Society of men when they assume to themselves that Infallibility which they deny to the Popes and Councils. I think Opinions should be judg'd of by their Influences and Effects; and if a Man holds none that tend to make him less Virtuous or more vicious, it may be concluded he holds none that are dangerous; which I hope is the Case with me. I am sorry you should have any Uneasiness on my Account, and if it were a thing possible for one to alter his Opinions in order to please others, I know none whom I ought more willingly to oblige in that respect than your selves: But since it is no more in a Man's Power _to think_ than _to look_ like another, methinks all that should be expected from me is to keep my Mind open to Conviction, to hear patiently and examine attentively whatever is offered me for that end; and if after all I continue in the same Errors, I believe your usual Charity will induce you rather to pity and excuse than blame me. In the mean time your Care and Concern for me is what I am very thankful for. As to the Freemasons, unless she will believe me when I assure her that they are in general a very harmless sort of People; and have no principles or Practices that are inconsistent with Religion or good Manners, I know no Way of giving my Mother a better Opinion of them than she seems to have at present, (since it is not allow'd that Women should be admitted into that secret Society). She has, I must confess, on that Account, some reason to be displeas'd with it; but for any thing else, I must entreat her to suspend her Judgment till she is better inform'd, and in the mean time exercise her Charity. My Mother grieves that one of her Sons is an Arian, another an Arminian. What an Arminian or an Arian is, I cannot say that I very well know; the Truth is, I make such Distinctions very little my Study; I think vital Religion has always suffer'd, when Orthodoxy is more regarded than Virtue. And the Scripture assures me, that at the last Day, we shall not be examin'd what we _thought_, but what we _did_; and our Recommendation will not be that we said _Lord, Lord_, but that we did GOOD to our Fellow Creatures. See Matth. 26. We have had great Rains here lately, which with the Thawing of Snow in the Mountains back of our Country has made vast Floods in our Rivers, and by carrying away Bridges, Boats, &c. made travelling almost impracticable for a Week past, so that our Post has entirely mist making one Trip. I know nothing of Dr. Crook, nor can I learn that any such Person has ever been here. I hope my Sister Janey's Child is by this time recovered. I am Your dutiful Son READING JONATHAN EDWARDS _To Jane Mecom_ Dearest Sister Jenny Philada. July 28. 1743 I took your Admonition very kindly, and was far from being offended at you for it. If I say any thing about it to you, 'tis only to rectify some wrong Opinions you seem to have entertain'd of me, and that I do only because they give you some Uneasiness, which I am unwilling to be the Occasion of. You express yourself as if you thought I was against Worshipping of God, and believed Good Works would merit Heaven; which are both Fancies of your own, I think, without Foundation. I am so far from thinking that God is not to be worshipped, that I have compos'd and wrote a whole Book of Devotions for my own Use: And I imagine there are few, if any, in the World, so weake as to imagine, that the little Good we can do here, can _merit_ so vast a Reward hereafter. There are some Things in your New England Doctrines and Worship, which I do not agree with, but I do not therefore condemn them, or desire to shake your Belief or Practice of them. We may dislike things that are nevertheless right in themselves. I would only have you make me the same Allowances, and have a better Opinion both of Morality and your Brother. Read the Pages of Mr. Edward's late Book entitled SOME THOUGHTS CONCERNING THE PRESENT REVIVAL OF RELIGION IN NE. from 367 to 375; and when you judge of others, if you can perceive the Fruit to be good, don't terrify your self that the Tree may be evil, but be assur'd it is not so; for you know who has said, _Men do not gather Grapes of Thorns or Figs of Thistles._ I have not time to add but that I shall always be Your affectionate Brother P S. It was not kind in you to imagine when your Sister commended Good Works, she intended it a Reproach to you. 'Twas very far from her Thoughts. "MORE DEPENDENCE ON WORKS, THAN ON FAITH" _To John Franklin_ Philadelphia, 1745. -- Our people are extremely impatient to hear of your success at Cape Breton. My shop is filled with thirty inquiries at the coming in of every post. Some wonder the place is not yet taken. I tell them I shall be glad to hear that news three months hence. Fortified towns are hard nuts to crack; and your teeth have not been accustomed to it. Taking strong places is a particular trade, which you have taken up without serving an apprenticeship to it. Armies and veterans need skilful engineers to direct them in their attack. Have you any? But some seem to think forts are as easy taken as snuff. Father Moody's prayers look tolerably modest. You have a fast and prayer day for that purpose; in which I compute five hundred thousand petitions were offered up to the same effect in New England, which added to the petitions of every family morning and evening, multiplied by the number of days since January 25th, make forty-five millions of prayers; which, set against the prayers of a few priests in the garrison, to the Virgin Mary, give a vast balance in your favor. If you do not succeed, I fear I shall have but an indifferent opinion of Presbyterian prayers in such cases, as long as I live. Indeed, in attacking strong towns I should have more dependence on _works_, than on _faith_; for, like the kingdom of heaven, they are to be taken by force and violence; and in a French garrison I suppose there are devils of that kind, that they are not to be cast out by prayers and fasting, unless it be by their own fasting for want of provisions. I believe there is Scripture in what I have wrote, but I cannot adorn the margin with quotations, having a bad memory, and no Concordance at hand; besides no more time than to subscribe myself, &c. May? 1745 "ALL WIVES ARE IN THE RIGHT" _To James Read_ DEAR J ------ , _Saturday morning, Aug. 17. '45. I have been reading your letter over again, and since you desire an answer, I sit me down to write you one; yet, as I write in the market, will, I believe, be but a short one, tho' I may be long about it. I approve of your method of writing one's mind, when one is too warm to speak it with temper: but being myself quite cool in this affair, I might as well speak as write, if I had an opportunity. Your copy of _Kempis_, must be a corrupt one, if it has that passage as you quote it, _in omnibus requiem quaesivi, sed non inveni, nisi in angulo cum libello_. The good father understood pleasure (requiem) better, and wrote, _in angulo cum puella_. Correct it thus, without hesitation. I know there is another reading, _in angulo puellae_; but this reject, tho' more _to the point_, as an expression too indelicate. Are you an attorney by profession, and do you know no better, how to chuse a proper court in which to bring your action? Would you submit to the decision of a husband, a cause between you and his wife? Don't you know, that all wives are in the right? It may be you don't, for you are yet but a young husband. But see, on this head, the learned Coke, that oracle of the law, in his chapter _De Jus Marit. Angl_. I advise you not to bring it to trial; for if you do, you'll certainly be cast. Frequent interruptions make it impossible for me to go thro' all your letter. I have only time to remind you of the saying of that excellent old philosopher, Socrates, _that in differences among friends, they that make the first concessions are the_ WISEST; and to hint to you, that you are in danger of losing that honour in the present case, if you are not very speedy in your acknowledgments; which I persuade myself you will be, when you consider the sex of your adversary. Your visits never had but one thing disagreeable in them, that is, they were always too short. I shall exceedingly regret the loss of them, unless you continue, as you have begun, to make it up to me by long letters. I am dear J ------ , with sincerest love to our dearest Suky, Your very affectionate friend and cousin, ATLANTIC SHIP CROSSINGS AND THE MOTION OF THE EARTH _To Cadwallader Colden_ Sir I receiv'd yours with others enclos'd for Mr. Bertram and Mr. Armit, to which I suppose the enclos'd are Answers. The Person who brought yours said he would call for Answers, but did not; or, if he did, I did not see him. I understand Parker has begun upon your Piece. A long Sitting of our Assembly has hitherto hinder'd me from beginning the Miscellany. I shall write to Dr. Gronovius as you desire. I wish I had Mathematics enough to satisfy my self, Whether the much shorter Voyages made by Ships bound hence to England, than by those from England hither, are not in some Degree owing to the Diurnal Motion of the Earth; and if so, in what Degree? 'Tis a Notion that has lately entred my Mind; I know not if ever any other's. Ships in a Calm at the Equator move with the Sea 15 Miles per minute; at our Capes suppose 12 Miles per Minute; in the British Channel suppose 10 Miles per Minute: Here is a Difference of 2 Miles Velocity per Minute between Cape Hinlopen and the Lizard! no small Matter in so Weighty a Body as a laden Ship swimming in a Fluid! How is this Velocity lost in the Voyage thither, if not by the Resistance of the Water? and if so, then the Water, which resisted in part, must have given Way in part to the Ship, from time to time as she proceeded continually out of Parallels of Latitude where the Earths Motion or Rotation was quicker into others where it was slower. And thus as her Velocity tends eastward with the Earth's Motion, she perhaps makes her Easting sooner. Suppose a Vessel lying still in a Calm at our Cape, could be taken up and the same Instant set down in an equal Calm in the English Channel, would not the Difference of Velocity between her and the Sea she was plac'd in, appear plainly by a violent Motion of the Ship thro' the Water eastward? I have not Time to explain my self farther, the Post waiting, but believe have said enough for you to comprehend my Meaning. If the Reasons hinted at should encline you to think there is any Thing in this Notion, I should be glad of an Answer to this Question, (if it be capable of a precise Answer) viz. Suppose a Ship sails on a N. East Line from Lat. 39 to Lat. 52 in 30 Days, how long will she be returning on the same Line, Winds, Currents, &c. being equal? Just so much as the East Motion of the Earth helps her Easting, I suppose it will hinder her Westing. Perhaps the Weight and Dimensions or Shape of the Vessel should be taken into the Consideration, as the Water resists Bodies of different Shapes differently. I must beg you to excuse the incorrectness of this Scrawl as I have not time to transcribe. I am Sir Your most humble Servant February, 1746 REFUTATION OF ANDREW BAXTER'S "ENQUIRY INTO THE NATURE OF THE HUMAN SOUL" _To [Thomas Hopkinson?]_ According to my Promise I send you _in Writing_ my Observations on your Book. You will be the better able to consider them; which I desire you to do at your Leisure, and to set me right where I am wrong. I stumble at the Threshold of the Building, and therefore have not read farther. The Author's _Vis Inertiae essential to_ _Matter_, upon which the whole Work is founded, I have not been able to comprehend. And I do not think he demonstrates at all clearly (at least to me he does not) that there is really any such Property in Matter. He says, No. 2. "Let a given Body or Mass of Matter be called A, and let any given Celerity be called C: That Celerity doubled, tripled, &c. or halved, thirded, &c. will be 2C, 3C &c. or 1/2 C, 1/3 C &c. respectively. Also the Body doubled, tripled or halved, thirded; will be 2A, 3A, or 1/2 A, 1/2 A, respectively." Thus far is clear. But he adds, "Now to move the Body A with the Celerity C, requires a certain Force to be impressed upon it; and to move it with a Celerity as 2C, requires twice that Force to be impressed upon it, &c." Here I suspect some Mistake creeps in occasioned by the Author's not distinguishing between a _great_ Force apply'd _at once_, and a _small_ one _continually_ apply'd, to a Mass of Matter, in order to move it. I think 'tis generally allow'd by the Philosophers, and for aught we know is certainly true, That there is no Mass of Matter how great soever, but may be moved by any Force how small soever (taking Friction out of the Question) and this small Force continued will in Time bring the Mass to move with any Velocity whatsoever. Our Author himself seems to allow this towards the End of the same No. 2 when he is subdividing his Celerities and Forces: For as in continuing the Division to Eternity by his Method of 1/2 C, 1\3 C, 1/4 C, 1\5 C, &c. you can never come to a Fraction of Celerity that is equal to 0C, or no Celerity at all; so dividing the Force in the same Manner, you can never come to a Fraction of Force that will not produce an equal Fraction of Celerity. Where then is the mighty _Vis Inertiae,_ and what is its Strength when the greatest assignable Mass of Matter will give way to or be moved by the least assignable Force? Suppose two Globes each equal to the Sun and to one another, exactly equipoised in Jove's Ballance: Suppose no Friction in the Center of Motion in the Beam or elsewhere: If a Musketo then were to light on one of them, would he not give Motion to them both, causing one to descend and the other to rise? If 'tis objected, that the Force of Gravity helps one Globe to descend: I answer, The same Force opposes the other's Rising: Here is an Equality, that leaves the whole Motion to be produc'd by the Musketo, without whom those Globes would not be moved at all. What then does Vis Inertiae do in this Case? And what other Effect could we expect if there were no such Thing? Surely if it was any Thing more than a Phantom, there might be enough of it in such vast Bodies to annihilate, by its Opposition to Motion, so trifling a Force? Our Author would have reason'd more clearly, I think, if, as he has us'd the Letter A for a certain Quantity of Matter, and C for a certain Degree of Celerity, he had employ'd one Letter more, and put F (perhaps) for a certain Quantity of Force. This let us suppose to be done; and then, as it is a Maxim that the Force of Bodies in Motion is equal to the Quantity of Matter multiply'd by the Celerity, or F = C x A; and as the Force received by and subsisting in Matter when it is put in Motion, can never exceed the Force given; so if F move A with C, there must needs be required (See No. 3) 2F to move A with 2C; for A moving with 2C would have a Force equal to 2F, which it could not receive from 1F; and this, not because there is such a Thing as Vis Inertiae, for the Case would be the same if that had no Existence; but, _because nothing can give more than it hath._ And now again, if a Thing can give what it hath; if 1F can to 1A give 1C, which is the same thing as giving it 1F; i.e. if Force apply'd to Matter at Rest, can put it in Motion, and give it _equal_ Force; Where then is Vis Inertiae? If it existed at all in Matter, should we not find the Quantity of its Resistance subtracted from the Force given? In No. 4. our Author goes on and says, "The Body A requires a certain Force to be impressed on it, to be moved with a Celerity as C, or such a Force is necessary; and therefore it makes a certain Resistance, &c. A Body as 2A, requires _twice_ that Force to be moved with the same Celerity, or it makes _twice_ that Resistance, and so on." This I think is not true, but that the Body 2A moved by the Force 1F, (tho' the Eye may judge otherwise of it) does really move with the same Celerity as 1A did when impell'd by the same Force: For 2A is compounded of 1A + 1A; And if each of the 1A's or each Part of the Compound were made to move with 1C, (as they might be by 2F) then the whole would move with 2C, and not with 1C as our Author Supposes. But 1F apply'd to 2A makes each A move with 1/2 C, and so the Whole moves with 1C, exactly the same as 1A was made to do by 1F before. What is _equal Celerity_ but a Measuring of the same Space by moving Bodies in the same Time? Now if 1A impell'd by 1F measures 100 Yards in a Minute; and in 2A impell'd by 1F, each A measures 50 Yards in a Minute, which added make 100, are not the Celerities as well as the Forces equal? And since Force and Celerity in the same Quantity of Matter are always in _Proportion_ to each other, why should we, when the Quantity of Matter is doubled, allow the Force to continue unimpair'd, and yet suppose one Half of the Celerity to be lost? I wonder the more at our Author's Mistake in this Point, since in the same No. I find him observing, "We may easily conceive that a Body as 3A, 4A, &c. would make 3 or 4 Bodies equal to once A, each of which would require once the first Force to be moved with the Celerity C." If then in 3A, each A require once the first Force F to be moved with the Celerity C, would not each move with the Force F, and Celerity C; and consequently the whole be 3A moving with 3F, and 3C? After so distinct an Observation, how could he miss of the Consequence, and imagine that 1C and 3C were the same? Thus as our Author's Abatement of Celerity in the Case of 2A moved by 1F, is imaginary, so must be his additional Resistance. And here again I am at a Loss to discover any Effect of the Vis Inertiae. In No. 6 he tells us, "That all this is likewise certain when taken the contrary way, viz. from Motion to Rest; For the Body A moving with a certain Velocity as C requires a certain Degree of Force or Resistance to stop that Motion, &c. &c." That is, in other Words, equal Force is necessary to destroy Force. It may be so; but how does that discover a Vis Inertiae? Would not the Effect be the same if there were no such Thing? A Force 1F strikes a Body 1A, and moves it with the Celerity 1C, i.e. with the Force 1F. It requires, even according to our Author, only an opposing 1F to stop it. But ought it not, (if there were a Vis Inertiae) to have not only the Force 1F, but an additional Force equal to the Force of Vis Inertiae, that _obstinate Power, by which a Body endeavours with all its Might to continue in its present State, whether of Motion or Rest_? I say, ought there not to be an opposing Force equal to the Sum of these? The Truth however is, that there is no Body how large soever, moving with any Velocity how great soever, but may be stopped by any opposing Force how small soever, continually apply'd. At least all our modern Philosophers agree to tell us so. Let me turn the Thing in what Light I please, I cannot discover the Vis Inertiae nor any Effect of it. Tis allowed by all that a Body 1A, moving with a Velocity 1C, and a Force 1F, striking another Body 1A at Rest, they will afterwards move on together, each with 1/2 C, and 1/2 F; which, as I said before, is equal in the Whole to 1C and 1F. If Vis Inertiae as in this Case neither abates the Force nor the Velocity of Bodies, What does it, or how does it discover itself? I imagine I may venture to conclude my Observations on this Piece, almost in the Words of the Author, "That if the Doctrines of the Immateriality of the Soul, and the Existence of God, and of Divine Providence are demonstrable from _no plainer_ Principles, the _Deist_ hath a desperate Cause in Hand." I oppose my _Theist_ to his _Atheist_, because I think they are diametrically opposite and not near of kin, as Mr. Whitefield seems to suppose where (in his Journal) he tells us, _Mr. B. was a Deist, I had almost said an Atheist._ That is, _Chalk_, I had almost said _Charcoal_. Shall I hazard a Thought to you that for aught I know is new, viz. If God was before all Things, and fill'd all Space; then, when he form'd what we call Matter, he must have done it out of his own Thinking immaterial Substance. The same, tho' he had not fill'd all Space; if it be true that _Ex nihilo nihil fit._ From hence may we not draw this Conclusion, That if any Part of Matter does not at present act and think, 'tis not from an Incapacity in its Nature but from a positive Restraint. I know not yet what other Consequences may follow the admitting of this position and therefore I will not be oblig'd to defend it. [ ] 'tis with some Reluctance that I either [ ] in the metaphysical Way. The great Uncertainty I have found in that Science; the wide Contradictions and endless Disputes it affords; and the horrible Errors I led my self into when a young Man, by drawing a Chain of plain Consequences as I thought them, from true Principles, have given me a Disgust to what I was once extreamly fond of. The Din of the Market encreases upon me, and that, with frequent Interruptions, has, I find, made me say some things twice over, and I suppose forget some others I intended to say. It has, however, one good Effect, as it obliges me to come to the Relief of your Patience, with Your Humble Servant October 16, 1746 "THE NATURE OF BOYS" _To Jane Mecom_ DEAR SISTER, Philadelphia, I received your letter, with one for Benny, and one for Mr. Parker, and also two of Benny's letters of complaint, which, as you observe, do not amount to much. I should have had a very bad opinion of him, if he had written to you those accusations of his master, which you mention; because, from long acquaintance with his master, who lived some years in my house, I know him to be a sober, pious, and conscientious man; so that Newport, to whom you seem to have given too much credit, must have wronged Mr. Parker very much in his accounts, and have wronged Benny too, if he says Benny told him such things, for I am confident he never did. As to the bad attendance afforded him in the smallpox, I believe, if the negro woman did not do her duty, her master or mistress would, if they had known it, have had that matter mended. But Mrs. Parker was herself, if I am not mistaken, sick at that time, and her child also. And though he gives the woman a bad character in general, all he charges her with in particular, is, that she never brought him what he called for directly, and sometimes not at all. He had the distemper favorably, and yet I suppose was bad enough to be, like other sick people, a little impatient, and perhaps might think a short time long, and sometimes call for things not proper for one in his condition. As to clothes, I am frequently at New York, and I never saw him unprovided with what was good, decent, and sufficient. I was there no longer ago than March last, and he was then well clothed, and made no complaint to me of any kind. I heard both his master and mistress call upon him on Sunday morning to get ready to go to meeting, and tell him of his frequently delaying and shuffling till it was too late, and he made not the least objection about clothes. I did not think it any thing extraordinary, that he should be sometimes willing to evade going to meeting, for I believe it is the case with all boys, or almost all. I have brought up four or five myself, and have frequently observed, that if their shoes were bad, they would say nothing of a new pair till Sunday morning, just as the bell rung, when, if you asked them why they did not get ready, the answer was prepared, "I have no shoes," and so of other things, hats and the like; or if they knew of any thing that wanted mending, it was a secret till Sunday morning, and sometimes I believe they would rather tear a little, than be without the excuse. As to going on petty errands, no boys love it, but all must do it. As soon as they become fit for better business, they naturally get rid of that, for the master's interest comes in to their relief. I make no doubt but Mr. Parker will take another apprentice, as soon as he can meet with a likely one. In the mean time I should be glad if Benny would exercise a little patience. There is a negro woman that does a great many of those errands. I do not think his going on board the privateer arose from any difference between him and his master, or any ill usage he had received. When boys see prizes brought in, and quantities of money shared among the men, and their gay living, it fills their heads with notions, that half distract them, and put them quite out of conceit with trades, and the dull ways of getting money by working. This I suppose was Ben's case, the Catherine being just before arrived with three rich prizes; and that the glory of having taken a privateer of the enemy, for which both officers and men were highly extolled, treated, presented, &c. worked strongly upon his imagination, you will see, by his answer to my letter, is not unlikely. I send it to you enclosed. I wrote him largely on the occasion; and though he might possibly, to excuse that slip to others, complain of his place, you may see he says not a syllable of any such thing to me. My only son, before I permitted him to go to Albany, left my house unknown to us all, and got on board a privateer, from whence I fetched him. No one imagined it was hard usage at home, that made him do this. Every one, that knows me, thinks I am too indulgent a parent, as well as master. I shall tire you, perhaps, with the length of this letter; but I am the more particular, in order, if possible, to satisfy your mind about your son's situation. His master has, by a letter this post, desired me to write to him about his staying out of nights, sometimes all night, and refusing to give an account where he spends his time, or in what company. This I had not heard of before, though I perceive you have. I do not wonder at his correcting him for that. If he was my own son, I should think his master did not do his duty by him, if he omitted it, for to be sure it is the high road to destruction. And I think the correction very light, and not likely to be very effectual, if the strokes left no marks. His master says farther, as follows; -- "I think I can't charge my conscience with being much short of my duty to him. I shall now desire you, if you have not done it already, to invite him to lay his complaints before you, that I may know how to remedy them." Thus far the words of his letter, which giving me a fair opening to inquire into the affair, I shall accordingly do it, and I hope settle every thing to all your satisfactions. In the mean time, I have laid by your letters both to Mr. Parker and Benny, and shall not send them till I hear again from you, because I think your appearing to give ear to such groundless stories may give offence, and create a greater misunderstanding, and because I think what you write to Benny, about getting him discharged, may tend to unsettle his mind, and therefore improper at this time. I have a very good opinion of Benny in the main, and have great hopes of his becoming a worthy man, his faults being only such as are commonly incident to boys of his years, and he has many good qualities, for which I love him. I never knew an apprentice contented with the clothes allowed him by his master, let them be what they would. Jemmy Franklin, when with me, was always dissatisfied and grumbling. When I was last in Boston, his aunt bid him go to a shop and please himself, which the gentleman did, and bought a suit of clothes on my account dearer by one half, than any I ever afforded myself, one suit excepted; which I don't mention by way of complaint of Jemmy, for he and I are good friends, but only to show you the nature of boys. The letters to Mr. Vanhorne were sent by Mr. Whitfield, under my cover. I am, with love to brother and all yours, and duty to mother, to whom I have not time now to write, your affectionate brother, June, 1748 THE EXAMPLE OF CONFUCIUS _To George Whitefield_ Dear Sir, Philadelphia, July 6, 1749. Since your being in England, I have received two of your favours, and a box of books to be disposed of. It gives me great pleasure to hear of your welfare, and that you purpose soon to return to America. We have no kind of news here worth writing to you. The affair of the building remains in _statu quo_, there having been no new application to the Assembly about it, nor any thing done in consequence of the former. I have received no money on your account from Mr. Thanklin, or from Boston. Mrs. Read, and your other friends here in general, are well, and will rejoice to see you again. I am glad to hear that you have frequent opportunities of preaching among the great. If you can gain them to a good and exemplary life, wonderful changes will follow in the manners of the lower ranks; for, _ad Exemplum Regis, &c._ On this principle Confucius, the famous eastern reformer, proceeded. When he saw his country sunk in vice, and wickedness of all kinds triumphant, he applied himself first to the grandees; and having by his doctrine won them to the cause of virtue, the commons followed in multitudes. The mode has a wonderful influence on mankind; and there are numbers that perhaps fear less the being in Hell, than out of the fashion! Our more western reformations began with the ignorant mob; and when numbers of them were gained, interest and party-views drew in the wise and great. Where both methods can be used, reformations are like to be more speedy. O that some method could be found to make them lasting! He that shall discover that, will, in my opinion, deserve more, ten thousand times, than the inventor of the longtitude. My wife and family join in the most cordial salutations to you and good Mrs. Whitefield. I am, dear Sir, your very affectionate friend, and most obliged humble servant, MOVEMENT OF HURRICANES _To Jared Eliot_ Dear Sir Philada. Feb. 13. 1749,50 You desire to know my Thoughts about the N.E. Storms beginning to Leeward. Some Years since there was an Eclipse of the Moon at 9 in the Evening, which I intended to observe, but before 8 a Storm blew up at N E. and continued violent all Night and all next Day, the Sky thick clouded, dark and rainy, so that neither Moon nor Stars could be seen. The Storm did a great deal of Damage all along the Coast, for we had Accounts of it in the News Papers from Boston, Newport, New York, Maryland and Virginia. But what surpriz'd me, was to find in the Boston Newspapers an Account of an Observation of that Eclipse made there: For I thought, as the Storm came from the N E. it must have begun sooner at Boston than with us, and consequently have prevented such Observation. I wrote to my Brother about it, and he inform'd me, that the Eclipse was over there, an hour before the Storm began. Since which I have made Enquiries from time to time of Travellers, and of my Correspondents N Eastward and S. Westward, and observ'd the Accounts in the Newspapers from N England, N York, Maryland, Virginia and South Carolina, and I find it to be a constant Fact, that N East Storms begin to Leeward; and are often more violent there than farther to Windward. Thus the last October Storm, which with you was on the 8th. began on the 7th in Virginia and N Carolina, and was most violent there. As to the Reason of this, I can only give you my Conjectures. Suppose a great Tract of Country, Land and Sea, to wit Florida and the Bay of Mexico, to have clear Weather for several Days, and to be heated by the Sun and its Air thereby exceedingly rarified; Suppose the Country North Eastward, as Pensilvania, New England, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, &c. to be at the same time cover'd with Clouds, and its Air chill'd and condens'd. The rarified Air being lighter must rise, and the Dense Air next to it will press into its Place; that will be follow'd by the next denser Air, that by the next, and so on. Thus when I have a Fire in my Chimney, there is a Current of Air constantly flowing from the Door to the Chimney: but the beginning of the Motion was at the Chimney, where the Air being rarified by the Fire, rising, its Place was supply'd by the cooler Air that was next to it, and the Place of that by the next, and so on to the Door. So the Water in a long Sluice or Mill Race, being stop'd by a Gate, is at Rest like the Air in a Calm; but as soon as you open the Gate at one End to let it out, the Water next the Gate begins first to move, that which is next to it follows; and so tho' the Water proceeds forward to the Gate, the Motion which began there runs backwards, if one may so speak, to the upper End of the Race, where the Water is last in Motion. We have on this Continent a long Ridge of Mountains running from N East to S. West; and the Coast runs the same Course. These may, perhaps, contribute towards the Direction of the winds or at least influence them in some Degree, [ ]. If these Conjectures do not satisfy you, I wish to have yours on the Subject. I doubt not but those Mountains which you mention contain valuable mines which Time will discover. I know of but one valuable Mine in this country which is that of Schuyler's in the Jerseys. This yields good Copper, and has turn'd out vast Wealth to the Owners. I was at it last Fall; but they were not then at Work; the Water is grown too hard for them; and they waited for a Fire Engine from England to drain their Pits; I suppose they will have that at Work next Summer; it costs them pounds 1000 Sterling. Col. John Schuyler, one of the Owners, has a Deer Park 5 Miles round, fenc'd with Cedar Logs, 5 Logs high, with chocks of Wood between; it contains variety of Land high and Low, woodland and clear. There are a great many Deer in it; and he expects in a few Years to be able to kill 200 head a Year, which will be a profitable Thing. He has likewise 600 Acres of Meadow, all within Bank. The Mine is not far from Passaic Falls, which I went also to see. They are very curious: the Water falls 70 foot perpendicular, as we were told; but we had nothing to measure with. It gives me great Pleasure that your Sentiments are in accord with mine. I like your Notion [ ]ming; and tho' perhaps it [ ]n prudent, as we are circumstanced [ ] them in the Proposals; I doubt not that they will in time become Part of the [ ]. It will be agreable to you to hear, and therefore I inform you, that our Subscription goes on with great Success, and we suppose will exceed pounds 5000 of our Currency: We have bought for the Academy, the House that was built for Itinerant Preaching, which stands on a large Lot of Ground capable of receiving more Buildings to lodge the Scholars, if it should come to be a regular Colledge. The House is 100 foot long and 70 wide, built of Brick; very strong; and sufficiently high for three lofty Stories: I suppose it did not cost less than pounds 2000 building; but we bought it for pounds 775 18_s_. 11 3/4_d_: tho' it will cost us 3 or perhaps 400 more to make the Partitions and Floors, and fit up the Rooms. I send you enclos'd a Copy of our present Constitutions; but we expect a Charter from our Proprietaries this Summer, when they may prob'ly receive considerable Alterations. The Paper admonishes me that 'tis Time to conclude. I am, Sir, Your obliged humble Servant "SECURING THE FRIENDSHIP OF THE INDIANS" _To James Parker_ Dear Mr. _Parker_, Philadelphia, March 20, 1750,1. I have, as you desire, read the Manuscript you sent me; and am of Opinion, with the publick-spirited Author, that securing the Friendship of the _Indians_ is of the greatest Consequence to these Colonies; and that the surest Means of doing it, are, to regulate the _Indian_ Trade, so as to convince them, by Experience, that they may have the best and cheapest Goods, and the fairest Dealing from the _English_; and to unite the several Governments, so as to form a Strength that the _Indians_ may depend on for Protection, in Case of a Rupture with the _French_; or apprehend great Danger from, if they should break with us. This Union of the Colonies, however necessary, I apprehend is not to be brought about by the Means that have hitherto been used for that Purpose. A Governor of one Colony, who happens from some Circumstances in his own Government, to see the Necessity of such an Union, writes his Sentiments of the Matter to the other Governors, and desires them to recommend it to their respective Assemblies. They accordingly lay the Letters before those Assemblies, and perhaps recommend the Proposal in general Words. But Governors are often on ill Terms with their Assemblies, and seldom are the Men that have the most Influence among them. And perhaps some Governors, tho' they openly recommend the Scheme, may privately throw cold Water on it, as thinking additional publick Charges will make their People less able, or less willing to give to them. Or perhaps they do not clearly see the Necessity of it, and therefore do not very earnestly press the Consideration of it: And no one being present that has the Affair at Heart, to back it, to answer and remove Objections, _&c._ 'tis easily dropt, and nothing is done. -- Such an Union is certainly necessary to us all, but more immediately so to your Government. Now, if you were to pick out half a Dozen Men of good Understanding and Address, and furnish them with a reasonable Scheme and proper Instructions, and send them in the Nature of Ambassadors to the other Colonies, where they might apply particularly to all the leading Men, and by proper Management get them to engage in promoting the Scheme; where, by being present, they would have the Opportunity of pressing the Affair both in publick and private, obviating Difficulties as they arise, answering Objections as soon as they are made, before they spread and gather Strength in the Minds of the People, _&c. &c._ I imagine such an Union might thereby be made and established: For reasonable sensible Men, can always make a reasonable Scheme appear such to other reasonable Men, if they take Pains, and have Time and Opportunity for it; unless from some Circumstances their Honesty and good Intentions are suspected. A voluntary Union entered into by the Colonies themselves, I think, would be preferable to one impos'd by Parliament; for it would be perhaps not much more difficult to procure, and more easy to alter and improve, as Circumstances should require, and Experience direct. It would be a very strange Thing, if six Nations of ignorant Savages should be capable of forming a Scheme for such an Union, and be able to execute it in such a Manner, as that it has subsisted Ages, and appears indissoluble; and yet that a like Union should be impracticable for ten or a Dozen _English_ Colonies, to whom it is more necessary, and must be more advantageous; and who cannot be supposed to want an equal Understanding of their Interests. Were there a general Council form'd by all the Colonies, and a general Governor appointed by the Crown to preside in that Council, or in some Manner to concur with and confirm their Acts, and take Care of the Execution; every Thing relating to Indian Affairs and the Defence of the Colonies, might be properly put under their Management. Each Colony should be represented by as many Members as it pays Sums of Hundred Pounds into the common Treasury for the common Expence; which Treasury would perhaps be best and most equitably supply'd, by an equal Excise on strong Liquors in all the Colonies, the Produce never to be apply'd to the private Use of any Colony, but to the general Service. Perhaps if the Council were to meet successively at the Capitals of the several Colonies, they might thereby become better acquainted with the Circumstances, Interests, Strength or Weakness, _&c_. of all, and thence be able to judge better of Measures propos'd from time to time: At least it might be more satisfactory to the Colonies, if this were propos'd as a Part of the Scheme; for a Preference might create Jealousy and Dislike. I believe the Place mention'd is a very suitable one to build a Fort on. In Times of Peace, Parties of the Garrisons of all Frontier Forts might be allowed to go out on Hunting Expeditions, with or without Indians, and have the Profit to themselves of the Skins they get: By this Means a Number of Wood-Runners would be form'd, well acquainted with the Country, and of great Use in War Time, as Guides of Parties and Scouts, _&c_. -- Every Indian is a Hunter; and as their Manner of making War, _viz_. by Skulking, Surprizing and Killing particular Persons and Families, is just the same as their Manner of Hunting, only changing the Object, Every Indian is a disciplin'd Soldier. Soldiers of this Kind are always wanted in the Colonies in an Indian War; for the _European_ Military Discipline is of little Use in these Woods. Publick Trading Houses would certainly have a good Effect towards regulating the private Trade; and preventing the Impositions of the private Traders; and therefore such should be established in suitable Places all along the Frontiers; and the Superintendant of the Trade, propos'd by the Author, would, I think, be a useful Officer. The Observation concerning the Importation of _Germans_ in too great Numbers into _Pennsylvania_, is, I believe, a very just one. This will in a few Years become a _German_ Colony: Instead of their Learning our Language, we must learn their's, or live as in a foreign Country. Already the _English_ begin to quit particular Neighbourhoods surrounded by _Dutch_, being made uneasy by the Disagreeableness of disonant Manners; and in Time, Numbers will probably quit the Province for the same Reason. Besides, the _Dutch_ under-live, and are thereby enabled to under-work and under-sell the _English_; who are thereby extreamly incommoded, and consequently disgusted, so that there can be no cordial Affection or Unity between the two Nations. How good Subjects they may make, and how faithful to the _British_ Interest, is a Question worth considering. And in my Opinion, equal Numbers might have been spared from the _British_ Islands without being miss'd there, and on proper Encouragement would have come over. I say without being miss'd, perhaps I might say without lessening the Number of People at Home. I question indeed, whether there be a Man the less in _Britain_ for the Establishment of the Colonies. An Island can support but a certain Number of People: When all Employments are full, Multitudes refrain Marriage, 'till they can see how to maintain a Family. The Number of Englishmen in _England_, cannot by their present common Increase be doubled in a Thousand Years; but if half of them were taken away and planted in _America_, where there is Room for them to encrease, and sufficient Employment and Subsistance; the Number of _Englishmen_ would be doubled in 100 _Years_: For those left at home, would multiply in that Time so as to fill up the Vacancy, and those here would at least keep Pace with them. Every one must approve the Proposal of encouraging a Number of sober discreet Smiths to reside among the _Indians_. They would doubtless be of great Service. The whole Subsistance of _Indians_, depends on keeping their Guns in order; and if they are obliged to make a Journey of two or three hundred Miles to an English Settlement to get a Lock mended; it may, besides the Trouble, occasion the Loss of their Hunting Season. They are People that think much of their temporal, but little of their spiritual Interests; and therefore, as he would be a most useful and necessary Man to them, a Smith is more likely to influence them than a Jesuit; provided he has a good common Understanding, and is from time to time well instructed. I wish I could offer any Thing for the Improvement of the Author's Piece, but I have little Knowledge, and less Experience in these Matters. I think it ought to be printed; and should be glad there were a more general Communication of the Sentiments of judicious Men, on Subjects so generally interesting; it would certainly produce good Effects. Please to present my Respects to the Gentleman, and thank him for the Perusal of his Manuscript. I am, Yours affectionately. A FLEXIBLE CATHETER _To John Franklin_ Dear Brother Philada. Dec. 8. 1752 Reflecting yesterday on your Desire to have a flexible Catheter, a Thought struck into my Mind how one might possibly be made: And lest you should not readily conceive it by any Description of mine, I went immediately to the Silversmith's, and gave Directions for making one, (sitting by 'till it was finish'd), that it might be ready for this Post. But now it is done I have some Apprehensions that it may be too large to be easy: if so, a Silversmith can easily make it less, by twisting it on a smaller Wire, and putting a smaller Pipe to the End, if the Pipe be really necessary. This Machine may either be cover'd with a small fine Gut first clean'd and soak'd a Night in a Solution of Alum and Salt in Water, then rubb'd dry which will preserve it longer from Putrefaction: then wet again, and drawn on, and ty'd to the Pipes at each End where little Hollows are made for the Thread to bind in and the Surface greas'd: Or perhaps it may be used without the Gut, having only a little Tallow rubb'd over it, to smooth it and fill the Joints. I think it is as flexible as could be expected in a thing of the kind, and I imagine will readily comply with the Turns of the Passage, yet has Stiffness enough to be protruded; if not, the enclos'd Wire may be us'd to stiffen the hinder Part of the Pipe while the fore Part is push'd forward; and as it proceeds the Wire may be gradually withdrawn. The Tube is of such a Nature, that when you have Occasion to withdraw it its Diameter will lessen, whereby it will move more easily. It is also a kind of Scrue, and may be both withdrawn and introduc'd by turning. Experience is necessary for the right using of all new Tools or Instruments, and that will perhaps suggest some Improvements to this Instrument as well as better direct the Manner of Using it. I have read Whytt on Lime Water. You desire my Thoughts on what he says. But what can I say? He relates Facts and Experiments; and they must be allow'd good, if not contradicted by other Facts and Experiments. May not one guess by holding Lime Water some time in one's Mouth, whether it is likely to injure the Bladder? I know not what to advise, either as to the Injection, or the Operation. I can only pray God to direct you for the best, and to grant Success. I am, my dear Brother Yours most affectionately I find Whytt's Experiments are approv'd and recommended by Dr. Mead. "I NOW SEND YOU THE ARITHMETICAL CURIOSITY" _To Peter Collinson_ _SIR,_ According to your request, I now send you the Arithmetical Curiosity, of which this is the history. Being one day in the country, at the house of our common friend, the late learned Mr. _Logan_, he shewed me a folio _French_ book, filled with magic squares, wrote, if I forget not, by one M. _Frenicle_, in which he said the author had discovered great ingenuity and dexterity in the management of numbers; and, though several other foreigners had distinguished themselves in the same way, he did not recollect that any one _Englishman_ had done any thing of the kind remarkable. I said, it was, perhaps, a mark of the good sense of our _English_ mathematicians, that they would not spend their time in things that were merely _difficiles nugae_, incapable of any useful application. He answered, that many of the arithmetical or mathematical questions, publickly proposed and answered in _England_, were equally trifling and useless. Perhaps the considering and answering such questions, I replied, may not be altogether useless, if it produces by practice an habitual readiness and exactness in mathematical disquisitions, which readiness may, on many occasions, be of real use. In the same way, says he, may the making of these squares be of use. I then confessed to him, that in my younger days, having once some leisure, (which I still think I might have employed more usefully) I had amused myself in making these kind of magic squares, and, at length, had acquired such a knack at it, that I could fill the cells of any magic square, of reasonable size, with a series of numbers as fast as I could write them, disposed in such a manner, as that the sums of every row, horizontal, perpendicular, or diagonal, should be equal; but not being satisfied with these, which I looked on as common and easy things, I had imposed on myself more difficult tasks, and succeeded in making other magic squares, with a variety of properties, and much more curious. He then shewed meseveral in the same book, of an uncommon and more curious kind; but as I thought none of them equal to some I remembered to have made, he desired me to let him see them; and accordingly, the next time I visited him, I carried him a square of 8, which I found among my old papers, and which I will now give you, with an account of its properties. The properties are, 1. That every strait row (horizontal or vertical) of 8 numbers added together, makes 260, and half each row half 260. 2. That the bent row of 8 numbers, ascending and descending diagonally, _viz._ from 16 ascending to 10, and from 23 descending to 17; and every one of its parallel bent rows of 8 numbers, make 260. -- Also the bent row from 52, descending to 54, and from 43 ascending to 45; and every one of its parallel bent rows of 8 numbers, make 260. -- Also the bent row from 45 to 43 descending to the left, and from 23 to 17 descending to the right, and every one of its parallel bent rows of 8 numbers make 260. -- Also the bent row from 52 to 54 descending to the right, and from 10 to 16 descending to the left, and every one of its parallel bent rows of 8 numbers make 260. -- Also the parallel bent rows next to the above-mentioned, which are shortened to 3 numbers ascending, and 3 descending, _&c._ as from 53 to 4 ascending, and from 29 to 44 descending, make, with the 2 corner numbers, 260. -- Also the 2 numbers 14, 61 ascending, and 36, 19 descending, with the lower 4 numbers situated like them, _viz._ 50, 1, descending, and 32, 47, ascending, make 260. -- And, lastly, the 4 corner numbers, with the 4 middle numbers, make 260. So this magical square seems perfect in its kind. But these are not all its properties; there are 5 other curious ones, which, at some other time, I will explain to you. Mr. _Logan_ then shewed me an old arithmetical book, in quarto, wrote, I think, by one _Stifelius_, which contained a square of 16, that he said he should imagine must have been a work of great labour; but if I forget not, it had only the common properties of making the same sum, _viz._ 2056, in every row, horizontal, vertical, and diagonal. Not willing to be out-done by Mr _Stifelius_, even in the size of my square, I went home, and made, that evening, the following magical square of 16, which, besides having all the properties of the _A Magic Square of Squares_. foregoing square of 8, _i.e._ it would make the 2056 in all the same rows and diagonals, had this added, that a four square hole being cut in a piece of paper of such a size as to take in and shew through it, just 16 of the little squares, when laid on the greater square, the sum of the 16 numbers so appearing through the hole, wherever it was placed on the greater square, should likewise make 2056. This I sent to our friend the next morning, who, after some days, sent it back in a letter, with these words: -- "I return to thee thy astonishing or most stupendous piece of the magical square, in which" -- but the compliment is too extravagant, and therefore, for his sake, as well as my own, I ought not to repeat it. Nor is it necessary; for I make no question but you will readily allow this square of 16 to be the most magically magical of any magic square ever made by any magician. (_See the Plate_.) I did not, however, end with squares, but composed also a magick circle, consisting of 8 concentric circles, and 8 radial rows, filled with a series of numbers, from 12 to 75, inclusive, so disposed as that the numbers of each circle, or each radial row, being added to the central number 12, they made exactly 360, the number of degrees in a circle; and this circle had, moreover, all the properties of the square of 8. If you desire it, I will send it; but at present, I believe, you have enough on this subject. _I am, &c._ 1752? "I NOW SEND YOU THE MAGICAL CIRCLE" _To Peter Collinson_ _SIR_, I am glad the perusal of the magical squares afforded you any amusement. I now send you the magical circle. Its properties, besides those mentioned in my former, are these. Half the number in any radial row, added with half the _A Magic Circle of Circles._ central number, make 180, equal to the number of degrees in a semi-circle. Also half the numbers in any one of the concentric circles, taken either above or below the horizontal double line, with half the central number, make 180. And if any four adjoining numbers, standing nearly in a square, be taken from any part, and added with half the central number, they make 180. There are, moreover, included four other sets of circular spaces, excentric with respect to the first, each of these sets containing five spaces. The centers of the circles that bound them, are at A, B, C, and D. Each set, for the more easy distinguishing them from the first, are drawn with a different colour'd ink, red, blue, green, and yellow. These sets of excentric circular spaces intersect those of the concentric, and each other; and yet the numbers contained in each of the twenty excentric spaces, taken all around, make, with the central number, the same sum as those in each of the 8 concentric, _viz._ 360. The halves, also of those drawn from the centers A and C, taken above or below the double horizontal line, and of those drawn from centers B and D, taken to the right or left of the vertical line, do, with half the central number, make just 180. It may be observed, that there is not one of the numbers but what belongs at least to two of the different circular spaces; some to three, some to four, some to five; and yet they are all so placed as never to break the required number 360, in any of the 28 circular spaces within the primitive circle. These interwoven circles make so perplexed an appearance, that it is not easy for the eye to trace every circle of numbers one would examine, through all the maze of circles intersected by it; but if you fix one foot of the compasses in either of the centers, and extend the other to any number in the circle you would examine belonging to that center, the moving foot will point the others out, by passing round over all the numbers of that circle successively. _I am, &c._ 1752? SPOUTS AND WHIRLWINDS _To John Perkins_ Dear Sir Philada. Feb. 4. 1753 I ought to have wrote to you long since, in Answer to yours of Oct. 16. concerning the Water Spout: But Business partly, and partly a Desire of procuring further Information by Inquiry among my Seafaring Acquaintance, induc'd me to postpone Writing from time to time, till I am now almost asham'd to resume the Subject, not knowing but you may have forgot what has been said upon it. Nothing certainly can be more improving to a Searcher into Nature, than Objections judiciously made to his Opinions, taken up perhaps too hastily: For such Objections oblige him to restudy the Point, consider every Circumstance carefully, compare Facts, make Experiments, weigh Arguments, and be slow in drawing Conclusions. And hence a sure Advantage results; for he either confirms a Truth, before too slightly supported; or discovers an Error and receives Instruction from the Objector. In this View I consider the Objections and Remarks you sent me, and thank you for them sincerely: But how much soever my Inclinations lead me to philosophical Inquiries, I am so engag'd in Business public and private, that those more pleasing pursuits are frequently interrupted, and the Chain of Thought necessary to be closely continu'd in such Disquisitions, so broken and disjointed, that it is with Difficulty I satisfy myself in any of them. And I am now not much nearer a Conclusion in this Matter of the Spout, than when I first read your Letter. Yet hoping we may in time sift out the Truth between us, I will send you my present Thoughts with some Observations on your Reasons, on the Accounts in the Transactions, and other Relations I have met with. Perhaps while I am writing some new Light may strike me -- for I shall now be oblig'd to consider the Subject with a little more Attention. I agree with you, that by means of a Vacuum in a Whirlwind, Water cannot be suppos'd to rise in large Masses to the Region of the Clouds: For the Pressure of the surrounding Atmosphere could not force it up in a continu'd Body or Column to a much greater Height than thirty feet: But if there really is a Vacuum in the Center or near the Axis of Whirlwinds, then I think Water may rise in such Vacuum to that Height or to less Height as the Vacuum may be less perfect. I had not read Stuart's Account in the Transactions for many Years before the receipt of your Letter and had quite forgot it; but now, on Viewing his Drafts, and considering his Descriptions, I think they seem to favour _my Hypothesis_; For he describes and draws Columns of Water of various Heights, terminating abruptly at the Top, exactly as Water would do when forc'd up by the Pressure of the Atmosphere into an exhausted Tube. I must, however, no longer call it _my Hypothesis_, since I find Stuart had the same Thought tho' somewhat obscurely express'd, where he says, "he imagines this Phaenomenon may be solv'd by Suction (improperly so call'd) or rather Pulsion, as in the Application of a Cupping Glass to the Flesh, the Air being first voided by the kindled Flax." In my Paper, I supposed a Whirlwind and a Spout, to be the same Thing, and to proceed from the same Cause; the only Difference between them being, that the one passes over Land, the other over Water. I find also, in the Transactions, that Mr. de la Pryme was of the same Opinion; for he there describes two Spouts as he calls them, which were seen at different Times at Hatfield in Yorkshire, whose Appearances in the Air were the same with those of the Spouts at Sea, and Effects the same with those of real Whirlwinds. Whirlwinds have generally a progressive as well as a circular Motion; so had what is called the Spout at Topsham; See the Account of it in the Transactions; which also appears by its Effects described to have been a real Whirlwind. Water Spouts have likewise a progressive Motion. Tho' this is sometimes greater and sometimes less, in some violent, in others barely perceivable. The Whirlwind at Warrington continu'd long in Acrement Close. Whirlwinds generally arise after Calms and great Heats: The same is observ'd of Water Spouts, which are therefore most frequent in the warm Latitudes. The Spout that happen'd in Cold Weather in the Downs, describ'd by Mr. Gordon, in the Transactions, was for that reason thought extraordinary, but he remarks withal, that the Weather tho' cold when the Spout appeared, was soon after much colder; as we find it commonly less warm after a Whirlwind. You agree that the Wind blows every way towards a Whirlwind from a large Space round; An intelligent Whaleman of Nantucket, informed me, that three of their Vessels which were out in search of Whales, happening to be becalmed lay in Sight of each other at about a League distance if I remember right nearly forming a Triangle; after some time a Water Spout appeared near the Middle of the Triangle, when a brisk Breeze of Wind also sprang up; and every Vessel made Sail and then it appeared to them all by the Setting of the Sails and the Course each Vessel stood, that the Spout was to Leeward of every one of them, and they all declar'd it to have been so when they happen'd afterwards in Company and came to confer about it. So that in this Particular likewise, Whirlwinds and Waterspouts agree. But if that which appears a Water Spout at Sea, does sometimes in its progressive Motion, meet with and pass over Land, and there produce all the Phenomena and Effects of a Whirlwind, it should thence seem still more evident that a Whirlwind and Spout are the same. I send you herewith a Letter from an ingenious Physician of my Acquaintance, which gives one Instance of this, that fell within his Observation. A Fluid moving from all Points horizontally towards a Center, must at that Center either ascend or descend. Water being in a Tub, if a Hole be open'd in the Middle of the Bottom, will flow from all Sides to the Center, and there descend in a Whirl. But Air flowing on and near the Surface of Land or Water from all Sides toward a Center, must at that Center ascend; the Land or Water hindering its Descent. If these concentring Currents of Air be in the upper Region, they may indeed descend in the Spout or Whirlwind; but then when the united Current reach'd the Earth or Water it would spread and probably blow every way _from_ the Center: There may be Whirlwinds of both kinds, but from the common observ'd Effects, I suspect the Rising one to be the most common; and that when the upper Air descends, tis perhaps in a greater Body, extending wider and without much whirling as in our Thunder Gusts. When Air descends in a Spout or Whirlwind, I should rather expect it would press the Roof of a House inwards, or force in the Tiles, Shingles or Thatch; force a Boat down into the Water, or a Piece of Timber into the Earth than that it would lift them up and carry them away. It has so happen'd that I have not met with any Accounts of Spouts, that certainly descended. I suspect they are not frequent. Please to communicate those you mention. The apparent dropping of a Pipe from the Clouds towards the Earth or Sea, I will endeavour to explain hereafter. The Augmentation of the Cloud, which, as I am inform'd is generally if not always the case during a Spout, seems to show an Ascent rather than a Descent of the Matter of which such Cloud is composed. For a descending Spout one would expect should diminish a Cloud. I own, however, that descending cold Air, may by Condensing the Vapours of a lower Region form and increase Clouds, which I think is generally the Case in our common Thunder Gusts, and therefore do not lay great Stress on this Argument. Whirlwinds and Spouts are not always tho' most commonly in the Day-time. The terrible Whirlwind which damag'd a great Part of Rome June 11. 1749 happen'd in the Night of that Day. The same was supposed to have been first a Spout, for it is said to be beyond doubt that it gathered in the neighbouring Sea, as it could be tracked from Ostia to Rome. I find this in Pere Boschovich's Account of it, as abridg'd in the Monthly Review for December 1750. In that Account the Whirlwind is said to have appear'd as a very black long and lofty Cloud, (discoverable notwithstanding the Darkness of the Night by its continually lightning or emitting Flashes on all Sides) pushing along with a surprizing Swiftness, and within 3 or 4 feet of the Ground. Its general Effects on Houses, were stripping off the Roofs, blowing away Chimneys, breaking Doors and Windows, _forcing up the Floors, and unpaving the Rooms_: [Some of these Effects seem to agree well with a supposed Vacuum in the Center of the Whirlwind;] and the very Rafters of the Houses were broke and dispersed, and even hurled against Houses at a considerable Distance, &c. It seems by an Expression of Pere Boschovich's as if the Wind blew from all sides towards this Whirlwind for having carefully observ'd its Effects he concludes of all Whirlwinds "that their Motion is circular, and their Action _attractive_." He observes on a Number of Histories of Whirlwinds &c. "that a common Effect of them is to carry up into the Air, Tiles, Stones and Animals themselves, which happen to be in their Course, and all kinds of Bodies unexceptionally, throwing them to a considerable Distance, with great Impetuosity." Such Effects seem to show a rising Current of Air. I will endeavour to explain my Conceptions of this Matter, by Figures, representing a Plan and an Elevation of a Spout or Whirlwind. I would only first beg to be allowed two or three Positions mentioned in my former Paper. 1st. That the lower Region of Air is often more heated and so more rarified, than the upper; consequently specifically lighter. The Coldness of the upper Region is manifested by the Hail which sometimes falls from it in a hot Day: 2dly. That heated Air may be very moist, and yet the Moisture so equally diffus'd and rarified, as not to be visible, till colder Air mixes with it, when it condenses and becomes visible. Thus our Breath, invisible in Summer, becomes visible in Winter. Now let us suppose a Tract of Land or Sea of perhaps 60 Miles square unscreen'd by Clouds and unfann'd by Winds during great Part of a Summer's Day, or it may be for several Days successively till 'tis violently heated, together with the lower Region of Air in Contact with it, so that the said lower Air becomes specifically lighter than the superincumbent higher Region of the Atmosphere, in which the Clouds commonly float. Let us suppose also, that the Air surrounding this Tract has not been so much heated during those Days, and therefore remains heavier. The Consequence of this should be, as I imagine that the heated lighter Air being press'd on all Sides must ascend, and the heavier descend; and as this Rising cannot be in all Parts or the whole Area of the Tract at once, for that would leave too extensive a Vacuum, the Rising will begin precisely in that Column that happens to be the lightest or most rarified; and the warm Air will flow horizontallyfrom all Points to this Column, where the several Currents meeting and joining to rise, a Whirl is naturally formed, in the same Manner as a Whirl is formed in the Tub of Water by the descending Fluid flowing from all Sides of the Tub to the Hole in the Center. And as the several Currents arrive at this central rising Column with a considerable Degree of horizontal Motion, they cannot suddenly change it to a vertical Motion, therefore as they gradually in approaching the Whirl decline from right to curve or circular Lines, so having join'd the Whirl they _ascend_ by a spiral Motion; in the same Manner as the Water _descends_ spirally thro' the Hole in the Tub before-mentioned. Lastly, as the lower Air and nearest the Surface, is most rarified by the Heat of the Sun, that Air is most acted on by the Pressure of the surrounding cold and heavy Air which is to take its Place, consequently its Motion towards the Whirl is swiftest, and so the force of the lower Part of the Whirl or Trump strongest, and the Centrifugal Force of its Particles greatest; and hence the Vacuum round the Axis of the Whirl should be greatest near the Earth or Sea, and be gradually diminish'd as it approaches the Region of the Clouds, till it ends in a Point, as at A in Fig II. forming a long and sharp Cone. In Fig I. which is a Plan or Ground Plot of a Whirlwind, the Circle V represents the central Vacuum. Between aaaa and bbbb I suppose a Body of Air condens'd strongly by the Pressure of the Currents moving towards it from all sides without, and by its Centrifugal Force from within; moving round with prodigious Swiftness, (having as it were the Momenta of all the Currents --_ --_ --_ --_ united in itself) and with a Power equal to its Swiftness and Density. It is this whirling Body of Air between aaaa and bbbb that rises spirally. By its Force it tears Buildings to Pieces, twists up great Trees by the Roots, &c. and by its spiral Motion raises the Fragments so high till the Pressure of the surrounding and approaching Currents diminishing can no longer confine them to the Circle, or their own centrifugal Force encreasing grows too strong for such Pressure, when they fly off in Tangent Lines as Stones out of a Sling, and fall on all Sides and at great Distances. If it happens at Sea, the Water between aaaa and bbbb will be violently agitated and driven about, and parts of it raised with the spiral Current, and thrown about so as to form a Bushlike Appearance. This Circle is of various Diameters, sometimes very large. If the Vacuum passes over Water the Water may rise in it in a Body or Column to near the Height of 32 feet. If it passes over Houses, it may burst their Windows or Walls outwards, pluck off the Roofs and blow up the Floors, by the Sudden Rarefaction of the Air contain'd within such Buildings, the outward Pressure of the Atmosphere being suddenly taken off; So the stop'd Bottle of Air bursts under the exhausted Receiver of the Air Pump. Fig II. is to represent the Elevation of a Water Spout; wherein I suppose PPP to be the Cone, at first a Vacuum till WW the rising Column of Water has fill'd so much of it. SSSS the Spiral Whirl of Air surrounding the Vacuum and continu'd higher in a close Column after the Vacuum ends in the Point P. till it reach the cool Region of the Air. B.B. the Bush describ'd by Stuart, surrounding the Foot of the Column of Water. Now I suppose this Whirl of Air will at first be as invisible as the Air itself tho' reaching in reality from the Water to the Region of cool Air in which our low Summer Thunder Clouds commonly float; but presently it will become visible at its Extremities. _At its lower End_ by the Agitation of the Water, under the Whirling Part of the Circle, between P and S. forming Stuart's Bush, and by the Swelling and Rising of the Water in the beginning Vacuum, which is at first a small low broad Cone whose Top gradually rises and sharpens as the Force of the Whirl increases. _At its upper End_, it becomes visible by the Warm Air brought up to the cooler Region, where its Moisture begins to be condens'd into thick Vapour by the Cold, and is seen first at A. the highest Parts, which being now cool'd, condenses what rises next at B. which condenses that at C; and that condenses what is rising at D. The Cold operating by the Contact of the Vapours faster in a right Line downwards, than the Vapours themselves can climb in a spiral Line upwards; they climb however, and as by continual Addition they grow denser and consequently their centrifugal Force greater, and being risen above the concentrating Currents that compose the Whirl, they flie off, spread and form a Cloud. It seems easy to conceive, how by this successive Condensation from above the Spout appears to drop or descend from the Cloud, tho' the Materials of which it is composed are all the while ascending. The Condensation of the Moisture contain'd in so great a Quantity of warm Air as may be suppos'd to rise in a short Time in this prodigiously rapid Whirl, is perhaps sufficient to form a great Extent of Cloud, tho' the Spout should be over Land as those at Hatfield; and if the Land happens not to be very dusty, perhaps the lower Part of the Spout will scarce become visible at all; Tho' the upper or what is commonly call'd the descending Part be very distinctly seen. The same may happen at Sea, in case the Whirl is not violent enough to make a high Vacuum and raise the Column, &c. In such Case the upper Part ABCD only will be visible, and the Bush perhaps below. But if the Whirl be strong, and there be much Dust on the Land, or the Column WW be rais'd from the Water; then the lower Part becomes visible, and sometimes even united to the upper Part. For the Dust may be carried up in the Spiral Whirl till it reach the Region where the Vapour is condens'd, and rise with that even to the Clouds. And the Friction of the Whirling Air on the Sides of the Column WW may detach great Quantities of its Water, break it into Drops and carry them up in the Spiral Whirl mix'd with the Air; the heavier Drops may indeed fly off, and fall in a Shower round the Spout; but much of it will be broken into Vapour, yet visible; and thus in both Cases, by Dust at Land, and by Water at Sea, the whole Tube may be darkned and render'd visible. As the Whirl weakens, the Tube may (in Appearance) separate in the Middle; the Column of Water subsiding, and the superior condens'd Part drawing up to the Cloud. Yet still the Tube or Whirl of Air may remain entire, the middle only becoming invisible, as not containing visible Matter. Dr. Stuart says, "it was observable of all the Spouts he saw, but more perceptible of the great One; that towards the End it began to appear like a hollow Canal, only black in the Borders but white in the Middle, and tho' at first it was altogether black and opaque, yet now one could very distinctly perceive the Sea Water to fly up along the Middle of this Canal, as Smoak up a Chimney." And Dr. Mather describing a Whirlwind says, "a thick dark small Cloud arose, with a Pillar of Light in it, of about 8 or 10 foot Diameter and passed along the Ground in a Tract not wider than a Street, horribly tearing up Trees by the Roots, blowing them up in the Air like Feathers, and throwing up Stones of great Weight to a considerable Height in the Air, &c." These Accounts, the one of Water Spouts, the other of a Whirlwind, seem in this particular to agree; what one Gentleman describes as a Tube black in the Borders, and white in the middle; the other calls a black Cloud with a Pillar of Light in it; the latter Expression has only a little more of the marvellous, but the Thing is the same. And it seems not very difficult to understand. When Dr. Stuarts Spouts were full charg'd; that is, when the whirling Pipe of Air was filled, between aaaa and bbbb [Fig. I], with Quantities of Drops and Vapour torn off from the Column WW [Fig. II], the whole was render'd so dark as that it could not be seen thro', nor the spiral ascending Motion discover'd; but when the Quantity ascending lessen'd, the Pipe became more transparent, and the ascending Motion visible. For by Inspection of this Figure in the Margin representing a Section of our Spout with the Vacuum in the Middle, it is plain, that if we look at such a hollow Pipe in the Direction of the Arrows, and suppose opacous Particles to be equally mix'd in the Space between the two circular Lines, both the Part between the Arrows a and b and that between the Arrows c and d, will appear much darker than that between b and c; as there must be many more of those opaque Particles in the Line of Vision across the Sides than across the Middle. It is thus, that a Hair in a Microscope evidently appears to be a Pipe, the Sides shewing darker than the Middle. Dr. Mather's Whirl was probably fill'd with Dust; the Sides were very dark, but the Vacuum within rendering the Middle more transparent he calls it a Pillar of Light. It was in this more transparent Part between b and c that Stuart could see the spiral Motion of the Vapours, whose Lines on the nearest and farthest Side of this transparent Part crossing each other, represented Smoke ascending in a Chimney; for the Quantity being still too great in the Line of Sight thro' the Sides of the Tube, the Motion could not be discover'd there, and so they represented the solid Sides of the Chimney. When the Vapours reach in the Pipe from the Clouds near to the Earth, it is no Wonder now to those who understand Electricity, that Flashes of Lightning should descend by the Spout, as in that at Rome. But you object, If Water may be thus carried into the Clouds, why have we no salt Rains? The Objection is strong and reasonable; and I know not whether I can answer it to your Satisfaction. I never heard but of one Salt Rain, and that was where a Spout passed pretty near a Ship, so I suppose it to be only the Drops thrown off from the Spout by the centrifugal Force, (as the Birds were at Hatfield) when they had been carried so high as to be above or to be too strongly centrifugal for the Pressure of the concurring Winds surrounding it. And indeed I believe there can be no other kind of Salt Rain; for it has pleased the Goodness of God so to order it, that the Particles of Air will not attract the Particles of Salt; tho' they strongly attract Water. Hence tho' all Metals, even Gold, may be united with Air and render'd volatile, Salt remains fix'd in the Fire, and no Heat can force it up to any considerable Height or oblige the Air to hold it; Hence when Salt rises as it will a little Way into Air with Water, there is instantly a Separation made; the Particles of Water adhere to the Air, and the Particles of Salt fall down again, as if repell'd and forc'd off from the Water by some Power in the Air: Or as some Metals dissolv'd in a proper Menstruum will quit the Solvent when other matter approaches, and adhere to that, so the Water quits the Salt and embraces the Air but Air will not embrace the Salt and quit the Water. Otherwise, our Rains would indeed be salt, and every Tree and Plant on the Face of the Earth be destroy'd, with all the Animals that depend on them for Subsistence. He who hath proportioned and given proper Qualities to all Things, was not unmindful of this. Let us adore him with Praise and Thanksgiving! By some Accounts of Seamen, it seems the Column of Water WW sometimes falls suddenly, and if it be as some say 15 or 20 Yards Diameter it must fall with great Force, and they may well fear for their Ships. By one Account in the Transactions of a Spout that fell at Coln in Lancashire one would think the Column is sometimes lifted off from the Water, and carried over Land, and there let fall in a Body; but this I suppose happens rarely. Stuart describes his Spouts as appearing no bigger than a Mast! and sometimes less: but they were at a League and half Distance. I think I formerly read in Dampier, or some other Voyager, that a Spout in its progressive Motion went over a Ship becalmed on the Coast of Guinea: and first threw her down on one Side, carrying away her Foremast; then suddenly, whipt her up, and threw her down on the other Side, carrying away her Mizen Mast; and the whole was over in an Instant. I suppose the first Mischief was done by the foreside of the Whirl, the latter by the hinder Side, their Motion being contrary. I suppose a Whirlwind or Spout may be stationary when the concurring Winds are equal; but if unequal, the Whirl acquires a progressive Motion, in the direction of the Strongest Pressure. Where the Wind that gives the progressive Motion becomes stronger below than above, or above than below, the Spout will be bent, and the Cause ceasing, straiten again. Your Queries towards the End of your Paper, appear judicious and worth considering. At present I am not furnish'd with Facts sufficient to make any pertinent Answer to them. And this Paper has already a sufficient Quantity of Conjecture. Your manner of accommodating the Accounts to your Hypothesis, of descending Spouts, is I own ingenious; and perhaps that Hypothesis may be true: I will consider it farther; but as yet I am not satisfy'd with it, tho' hereafter I may be. Here you have my Method of Accounting for the principal Phaenomena, which I submit to your candid Examination. If my Hypothesis is not the Truth itself, it is least as naked: For I have not with some of our learned Moderns disguis'd my Nonsense in Greek, cloth'd it in Algebra, or adorn'd it with Fluxions. And as I now seem to have almost written a Book instead of a Letter, you will think it high time I should conclude, which I beg Leave to do with assuring you that I am most sincerely, Dear Sir Your obliged Friend and humble Servant. ELECTRICITY, THE TRANSIT OF MERCURY, AND A NORTHWEST PASSAGE _To Cadwallader Colden_ Dear Sir Philada. Feb. 28. 1753 I return you herewith Professor Kanster's Remarks. As far as I am able to judge, the Translation is just, and your Answer a good one. I am pleas'd with the Omission of that part of a Paragraph relating to the German and Pensilvanian Electricians, and have corrected the Copy as you direct. I have but one other Alteration to propose, which is, to omit some Part of the last Paragraph, and read the rest thus; -- "After all, Mr. Colden must think himself obliged to the Professor, for exposing the Difficulties his Treatise lies under in the Opinion of others, as thereby an Opportunity is given of explaining his Doctrine more fully to their Satisfaction." For it seems to me not so proper to make Acknowledgement for his Translating your Piece, as if it were a Favour, when he tells the World he did it by Command: And I apprehend it unnecessary, and that it may look like too great a Fondness for Complement, to draw one from him by Consequence; viz. _That he did not think it a trifling Performance, or he would not have taken the Trouble, &c._ since he himself freely says, _that the many new, good and just Thoughts contain'd in it, made him willingly undertake the Task enjoin'd him._ Besides that it is not clear he could have refus'd to obey the Command he received, whatever might have been his private Sentiments. The Ship I intended to forward these Papers by to Mr. Collinson, has stay'd much longer than I expected, and now I am told will not sail before the End of next Month, so that I may possibly receive your Directions concerning this propos'd Alteration before she sails. I find I was not wrong in my Apprehensions that your Book would be incorrectly printed. I hope however, that the Errata will be in England time enough to be published with the Work; and I thank you for sending them to me. I have corrected the Book accordingly, and given it one Reading; but it is not a Piece to make sudden Remarks on, as one might of a Poem or other Performance on common Subjects. I must read and consider it yet more attentively; at present I can only tell you, that some Things in it please me exceedingly; some I do not yet clearly understand; and one or two Positions I think wrong; of all which you shall hear more fully in my next. On the whole it gives me great Satisfaction, when I consider it as a Work that will not only improve Philosophy, but do Honour to America. I am sorry I have not, as you expect, anything new to communicate to you on the Subject of Electricity. My Time and Thoughts have of late been much engag'd in other Matters: And ever since I heard of your being furnish'd with an Apparatus, I have hoped rather to receive Information of new Discoveries from you, than expected to send you any. If your other philosophical Pursuits do not prevent your Application to the Experiments you propos'd to make on various Salts, &c. I shall still hope it. Your Skill and Expertness in Mathematical Computations, will afford you an Advantage in these Disquisitions, that I lament the want of, who am like a Man searching for something in a dark Room, where I can only grope and guess; while you proceed with a Candle in your Hand. We are preparing here to make accurate Observations on the approaching Transit of Mercury over the Sun. You will oblige us much by sending the Account you have received from Lord Macclesfield of his great mural Quadrant. I congratulate you on your Discovery of a new Motion in the Earth's Axis: You will, I see, render your Name immortal. I believe I have not before told you, that I have procur'd a Subscription here of pounds 1500 to fit out a Vessel in Search of a NWest Passage: she sails in a few Days, and is called the Argo, commanded by Mr. Swaine, who was in the last Expedition in the California, Author of a Journal of that Voyage in two Volumes. We think the Attempt laudable, whatever may be the Success: if he fails, _Magnis tamen excidit ausis._ With great Esteem, I am, Dear Sir, Your most humble Servant THE SUPPORT OF THE POOR _To Peter Collinson_ Sir Philadelphia May 9th. 1753 I received your Favour of the 29th. August last and thank you for the kind and judicious remarks you have made on my little Piece. Whatever further occurs to you on the same subject, you will much oblige me in communicating it. I have often observed with wonder, that Temper of the poor English Manufacturers and day Labourers which you mention, and acknowledge it to be pretty general. When any of them happen to come here, where Labour is much better paid than in England, their Industry seems to diminish in equal proportion. But it is not so with the German Labourers; They retain the habitual Industry and Frugality they bring with them, and now receiving higher Wages an accumulation arises that makes them all rich. When I consider, that the English are the Offspring of Germans, that the Climate they live in is much of the same Temperature; when I can see nothing in Nature that should create this Difference, I am apt to suspect it must arise from Institution, and I have sometimes doubted, whether the Laws peculiar to England which compel the Rich to maintain the Poor, have not given the latter, a Dependance that very much lessens the care of providing against the wants of old Age. I have heard it remarked that the Poor in Protestant Countries on the Continent of Europe, are generally more industrious than those of Popish Countries, may not the more numerous foundations in the latter for the relief of the poor have some effect towards rendering them less provident. To relieve the misfortunes of our fellow creatures is concurring with the Deity, 'tis Godlike, but if we provide encouragements for Laziness, and supports for Folly, may it not be found fighting against the order of God and Nature, which perhaps has appointed Want and Misery as the proper Punishments for, and Cautions against as well as necessary consequences of Idleness and Extravagancy. Whenever we attempt to mend the scheme of Providence and to interfere in the Government of the World, we had need be very circumspect lest we do more harm than Good. In New England they once thought Black-birds useless and mischievous to their corn, they made Laws to destroy them, the consequence was, the Black-birds were diminished but a kind of Worms which devoured their Grass, and which the Black-birds had been used to feed on encreased prodigiously; Then finding their Loss in Grass much greater than their saving in corn they wished again for their Black-birds. We had here some years since a Transylvanian Tartar, who had travelled much in the East, and came hither merely to see the West, intending to go home thro' the spanish West Indies, China &c. He asked me one day what I thought might be the Reason that so many and such numerous nations, as the Tartars in Europe and Asia, the Indians in America, and the Negroes in Africa, continued a wandring careless Life, and refused to live in Cities, and to cultivate the arts they saw practiced by the civilized part of Mankind. While I was considering what answer to make him; I'll tell you, says he in his broken English, God make man for Paradise, he make him for to live lazy; man make God angry, God turn him out of Paradise, and bid him work; man no love work; he want to go to Paradise again, he want to live lazy; so all mankind love lazy. Howe'er this may be it seems certain, that the hope of becoming at some time of Life free from the necessity of care and Labour, together with fear of penury, are the main-springs of most peoples industry. To those indeed who have been educated in elegant plenty, even the provision made for the poor may appear misery, but to those who have scarce ever been better provided for, such provision may seem quite good and sufficient, these latter have then nothing to fear worse than their present Conditions, and scarce hope for any thing better than a Parish maintainance; so that there is only the difficulty of getting that maintainance allowed while they are able to work, or a little shame they suppose attending it, that can induce them to work at all, and what they do will only be from hand to mouth. The proneness of human Nature to a life of ease, of freedom from care and labour appears strongly in the little success that has hitherto attended every attempt to civilize our American Indians, in their present way of living, almost all their Wants are supplied by the spontaneous Productions of Nature, with the addition of very little labour, if hunting and fishing may indeed be called labour when Game is so plenty, they visit us frequently, and see the advantages that Arts, Sciences, and compact Society procure us, they are not deficient in natural understanding and yet they have never shewn any Inclination to change their manner of life for ours, or to learn any of our Arts; When an Indian Child has been brought up among us, taught our language and habituated to our Customs, yet if he goes to see his relations and make one Indian Ramble with them, there is no perswading him ever to return, and that this is not natural to them merely as Indians, but as men, is plain from this, that when white persons of either sex have been taken prisoners young by the Indians, and lived a while among them, tho' ransomed by their Friends, and treated with all imaginable tenderness to prevail with them to stay among the English, yet in a Short time they become disgusted with our manner of life, and the care and pains that are necessary to support it, and take the first good Opportunity of escaping again into the Woods, from whence there is no reclaiming them. One instance I remember to have heard, where the person was brought home to possess a good Estate; but finding some care necessary to keep it together, he relinquished it to a younger Brother, reserving to himself nothing but a gun and a match-Coat, with which he took his way again to the Wilderness. Though they have few but natural wants and those easily supplied. But with us are infinite Artificial wants, no less craving than those of Nature, and much more difficult to satisfy; so that I am apt to imagine that close Societies subsisting by Labour and Arts, arose first not from choice, but from necessity: When numbers being driven by war from their hunting grounds and prevented by seas or by other nations were crowded together into some narrow Territories, which without labour would not afford them Food. However as matters now stand with us, care and industry seem absolutely necessary to our well being; they should therefore have every Encouragement we can invent, and not one Motive to diligence be subtracted, and the support of the Poor should not be by maintaining them in Idleness, But by employing them in some kind of labour suited to their Abilities of body &c. as I am informed of late begins to be the practice in many parts of England, where work houses are erected for that purpose. If these were general I should think the Poor would be more careful and work voluntarily and lay up something for themselves against a rainy day, rather than run the risque of being obliged to work at the pleasure of others for a bare subsistence and that too under confinement. The little value Indians set on what we prize so highly under the name of Learning appears from a pleasant passage that happened some years since at a Treaty between one of our Colonies and the Six Nations; when every thing had been settled to the Satisfaction of both sides, and nothing remained but a mutual exchange of civilities, the English Commissioners told the Indians, they had in their Country a College for the instruction of Youth who were there taught various languages, Arts, and Sciences; that there was a particular foundation in favour of the Indians to defray the expense of the Education of any of their sons who should desire to take the Benefit of it. And now if the Indians would accept of the Offer, the English would take half a dozen of their brightest lads and bring them up in the Best manner; The Indians after consulting on the proposal replied that it was remembered some of their Youths had formerly been educated in that College, but it had been observed that for a long time after they returned to their Friends, they were absolutely good for nothing being neither acquainted with the true methods of killing deer, catching Beaver or surprizing an enemy. The Proposition however, they looked on as a mark of the kindness and good will of the English to the Indian Nations which merited a grateful return; and therefore if the English Gentlemen would send a dozen or two of their Children to Onondago the great Council would take care of their Education, bring them up in really what was the best manner and make men of them. I am perfectly of your mind, that measures of great Temper are necessary with the Germans: and am not without Apprehensions, that thro' their indiscretion or Ours, or both, great disorders and inconveniences may one day arise among us; Those who come hither are generally of the most ignorant Stupid Sort of their own Nation, and as Ignorance is often attended with Credulity when Knavery would mislead it, and with Suspicion when Honesty would set it right; and as few of the English understand the German Language, and so cannot address them either from the Press or Pulpit, 'tis almost impossible to remove any prejudices they once entertain. Their own Clergy have very little influence over the people; who seem to take an uncommon pleasure in abusing and discharging the Minister on every trivial occasion. Not being used to Liberty, they know not how to make a modest use of it; and as Kolben says of the young Hottentots, that they are not esteemed men till they have shewn their manhood by beating their mothers, so these seem to think themselves not free, till they can feel their liberty in abusing and insulting their Teachers. Thus they are under no restraint of Ecclesiastical Government; They behave, however, submissively enough at present to the Civil Government which I wish they may continue to do: For I remember when they modestly declined intermeddling in our Elections, but now they come in droves, and carry all before them, except in one or two Counties; Few of their children in the Country learn English; they import many Books from Germany; and of the six printing houses in the Province, two are entirely German, two half German half English, and but two entirely English; They have one German News-paper, and one half German. Advertisements intended to be general are now printed in Dutch and English; the Signs in our Streets have inscriptions in both languages, and in some places only German: They begin of late to make all their Bonds nad other legal Writings in their own Language, which (though I think it ought not to be) are allowed good in our Courts, where the German Business so encreases that there is continual need of Interpreters; and I suppose in a few years they will be also necessary in the Assembly, to tell one half of our Legislators what the other half say; In short unless the stream of their importation could be turned from this to other colonies, as you very judiciously propose, they will soon so out number us, that all the advantages we have will not in My Opinion be able to preserve our language, and even our Government will become precarious. The French who watch all advantages, are now themselves making a German settlement back of us in the Ilinoes Country, and by means of those Germans they may in time come to an understanding with ours, and indeed in the last war our Germans shewed a general disposition that seems to bode us no good; for when the English who were not Quakers, alarmed by the danger arising from the defenceless state of our Country entered unanimously into an Association within this Government and the lower Countries raised armed and Disciplined near 10,000 men, the Germans except a very few in proportion to their numbers refused to engage in it, giving out one among another, and even in print, that if they were quiet the French should they take the Country would not molest them; at the same time abusing the Philadelphians for fitting out Privateers against the Enemy; and representing the trouble hazard and Expence of defending the Province, as a greater inconvenience than any that might be expected from a change of Government. Yet I am not for refusing entirely to admit them into our Colonies: all that seems to be necessary is, to distribute them more equally, mix them with the English, establish English Schools where they are now too thick settled, and take some care to prevent the practice lately fallen into by some of the Ship Owners, of sweeping the German Goals to make up the number of their Passengers. I say I am not against the Admission of Germans in general, for they have their Virtues, their industry and frugality is exemplary; They are excellent husbandmen and contribute greatly to the improvement of a Country. I pray God long to preserve to Great Britain the English Laws, Manners, Liberties and Religion notwithstanding the complaints so frequent in Your public papers, of the prevailing corruption and degeneracy of your People; I know you have a great deal of Virtue still subsisting among you, and I hope the Constitution is not so near a dissolution, as some seem to apprehend; I do not think you are generally become such Slaves to your Vices, as to draw down that _Justice_ Milton speaks of when he says that ------ sometimes Nations will descend so low From reason, which is virtue, that no Wrong, But Justice, and some fatal curse annex'd Deprives them of their _outward_ liberty, Their _inward_ lost. Parad: lost. In history we find that Piety, Public Spirit and military Prowess have their Flows, as well as their ebbs, in every nation, and that the Tide is never so low but it may rise again; But should this dreaded fatal change happen in my time, how should I even in the midst of the Affliction rejoice, if we have been able to preserve those invaluable treasures, and can invite the good among you to come and partake of them! O let not Britain seek to oppress us, but like an affectionate parent endeavour to secure freedom to her children; they may be able one day to assist her in defending her own -- Whereas a Mortification begun in the Foot may spread upwards to the destruction of the nobler parts of the Body. I fear I have already extended this rambling letter beyond your patience, and therefore conclude with requesting your acceptance of the inclosed Pamphlet from Sir Your most humble servant DOING GOOD AND RELIGIOUS BIGOTS _To Joseph Huey_ Sir, Philada. June 6. 1753 I received your kind Letter of the 2d Inst. and am glad to hear that you increase in Strength; I hope you will continue mending till you recover your former Health and Firmness. Let me know whether you still use the cold Bath, and what Effect it has. As to the Kindness you mention, I wish it could have been of more Service to you. But if it had, the only Thanks I should desire is, that you would always be equally ready to serve any other Person that may need your Assistance, and so let good Offices go round, for Mankind are all of a Family. For my own Part, when I am employed in serving others, I do not look upon my self as conferring Favours, but as paying Debts. In my Travels and since my Settlement I have received much Kindness from Men, to whom I shall never have any Opportunity of making the least direct Return. And numberless Mercies from God, who is infinitely above being benefited by our Services. These Kindnesses from Men I can therefore only return on their Fellow-Men; and I can only show my Gratitude for those Mercies from God, by a Readiness to help his other Children and my Brethren. For I do not think that Thanks, and Compliments, tho' repeated Weekly, can discharge our real Obligations to each other, and much less those to our Creator. You will see in this my Notion of Good Works, that I am far from expecting (as you suppose) that I shall merit Heaven by them. By Heaven we understand, a State of Happiness, infinite in Degree, and eternal in Duration: I can do nothing to deserve such Reward: He that for giving a Draught of Water to a thirsty Person should expect to be paid with a good Plantation, would be modest in his Demands, compar'd with those who think they deserve Heaven for the little Good they do on Earth. Even the mix'd imperfect Pleasures we enjoy in this World are rather from God's Goodness than our Merit; how much more such Happiness of Heaven. For my own part, I have not the Vanity to think I deserve it, the Folly to expect it, nor the Ambition to desire it; but content myself in submitting to the Will and Disposal of that God who made me, who has hitherto preserv'd and bless'd me, and in whose fatherly Goodness I may well confide, that he will never make me miserable, and that even the Afflictions I may at any time suffer shall tend to my Benefit. The Faith you mention has doubtless its use in the World; I do not desire to see it diminished, nor would I endeavour to lessen it in any Man. But I wish it were more productive of Good Works than I have generally seen it: I mean real good Works, Works of Kindness, Charity, Mercy, and Publick Spirit; not Holiday-keeping, Sermon-Reading or Hearing, performing Church Ceremonies, or making long Prayers, fill'd with Flatteries and Compliments, despis'd even by wise Men, and much less capable of pleasing the Deity. The Worship of God is a Duty, the hearing and reading of Sermons may be useful; but if Men rest in Hearing and Praying, as too many do, it is as if a Tree should value itself on being water'd and putting forth Leaves, tho' it never produc'd any Fruit. Your great Master tho't much less of these outward Appearances and Professions than many of his modern Disciples. He prefer'd the Doers of the Word to the meer Hearers; the Son that seemingly refus'd to obey his Father and yet perform'd his Commands, to him that profess'd his Readiness but neglected the Works; the heretical but charitable Samaritan, to the uncharitable tho' orthodox Priest and sanctified Levite: and those who gave Food to the hungry, Drink to the Thirsty, Raiment to the Naked, Entertainment to the Stranger, and Relief to the Sick, &c. tho' they never heard of his Name, he declares shall in the last Day be accepted, when those who cry Lord, Lord; who value themselves on their Faith tho' great enough to perform Miracles but have neglected good Works shall be rejected. He profess'd that he came not to call the Righteous but Sinners to Repentance; which imply'd his modest Opinion that there were some in his Time so good that they need not hear even him for Improvement; but now a days we have scarce a little Parson, that does not think it the Duty of every Man within his Reach to sit under his petty Ministrations, and that whoever omits them offends God. I wish to such more Humility, and to you Health and Happiness, being Your Friend and Servant "KISSES IN THAT WIND" _To Catharine Ray_ Dear Katy, Philada. March 4. 1755 Your kind Letter of January 20. is but just come to hand, and I take this first Opportunity of acknowledging the Favour. It gives me great Pleasure to hear that you got home safe and well that Day. I thought too much was hazarded, when I saw you put off to Sea in that very little Skiff, toss'd by every Wave. But the Call was strong and just, a sick Parent. I stood on the Shore, and look'd after you, till I could no longer distinguish you, even with my Glass; then returned to your Sister's, praying for your safe Passage. Towards Evening all agreed that you must certainly be arriv'd before that time, the Weather having been so favourable; which made me more easy and chearful, for I had been truly concern'd for you. I left New England slowly, and with great Reluctance: Short Days Journeys, and loitering Visits on the Road, for three or four Weeks, manifested my Unwillingness to quit a Country in which I drew my first Breath, spent my earliest and most pleasant Days, and had now received so many fresh Marks of the People's Goodness and Benevolence, in the kind and affectionate Treatment I had every where met with. I almost forgot I had a Home; till I was more than half-way towards it; till I had, one by one, parted with all my New England Friends, and was got into the western Borders of Connecticut, among meer Strangers: then, like an old Man, who, having buried all he lov'd in this World, begins to think of Heaven, I begun to think of and wish for Home; and as I drew nearer, I found the Attraction stronger and stronger, my Diligence and Speed increas'd with my Impatience, I drove on violently, and made such long Stretches that a very few Days brought me to my own House, and to the Arms of my good old Wife and Children, where I remain, Thanks to God, at present well and happy. Persons subject to the Hyp, complain of the North East Wind as increasing their Malady. But since you promis'd to send me Kisses in that Wind, and I find you as good as your Word, 'tis to me the gayest Wind that blows, and gives me the best Spirits. I write this during a N. East Storm of Snow, the greatest we have had this Winter: Your Favours come mixd with the Snowy Fleeces which are pure as your Virgin Innocence, white as your lovely Bosom, -- and as cold: -- But let it warm towards some worthy young Man, and may Heaven bless you both with every kind of Happiness. I desired Miss Anna Ward, to send you over a little Book I left with her; for your Amusement in that lonely Island. My Respects to your good Father and Mother, and Sister unknown. Let me often hear of your Welfare, since it is not likely I shall ever again have the Pleasure of seeing you. Accept mine, and my Wife's sincere Thanks for the many Civilities I receiv'd from you and your Relations; and do me the Justice to believe me, Dear Girl, Your affectionate faithful Friend and humble Servant My respectful Compliments to your good Brother Ward, and Sister; and to the agreable Family of the Wards at Newport when you see them. Adieu. "ONE OF GODS NOBILITY" _To Joshua Babcock_ Dear Sir Philada. Sept. 1. 1755 I beg Leave to introduce to you the Revd. Mr. Allison Rector of our Academy; a Person of great Ingenuity and Learning, a catholic Divine, and what is more, an _Honest Man_; For as Pope says A Wit's a Feather, and a Chief's a Rod; An honest Man's the _noblest_ Work of God. By Entertaining then this Gent. with your accustomed Hospitality and Benevolence, you will Entertain one of the Nobility. I mean one of _Gods_ Nobility; for as to the _Kings_, there are many of them not worthy your Notice. Do me the Favour to make my Compliments acceptable to your good Lady, Sisters and Children in whose most agreeable Company I passed those Chearful Winter Evenings, which I remember with high Pleasure. I am, with the greatest Esteem and Respect, Dear Sir Your most Obedient and Most humble Servant ADDITION, SUBTRACTION, AND MULTIPLICATION _To Catharine Ray_ Dear Katy Philadelphia Oct. 16. 1755 Your Favour of the 28th of June came to hand but the 28th of September, just 3 Months after it was written. I had, two Weeks before, wrote you a long Chat, and sent it to the Care of your Brother Ward. I hear you are now in Boston, gay and lovely as usual. Let me give you some fatherly Advice. Kill no more Pigeons than you can eat. Be a good Girl, and don't forget your Catechise. Go constantly to Meeting -- or Church -- till you get a good Husband; then stay at home, and nurse the Children, and live like a Christian. Spend your spare Hours, in sober Whisk, Prayers, or learning to cypher. You must practise _Addition_ to your Husband's Estate, by Industry and Frugality; _Subtraction_ of all unnecessary Expences; _Multiplication_ (I would gladly have taught you that myself, but you thought it was time enough, and wou'dn't learn) he will soon make you a Mistress of it. As to _Division_, I say with Brother Paul, _Let there be no Divisions among ye._ But as your good Sister Hubbard (my Love to her) is well acquainted with _The Rule of Two_, I hope you will become as expert in the _Rule of Three_; that when I have again the Pleasure of seeing you, I may find you like my Grape Vine, surrounded with Clusters, plump, juicy, blushing, pretty little rogues, like their Mama. Adieu. The Bell rings, and I must go among the Grave ones, and talk Politicks. Your affectionate Friend P.S. The Plums came safe, and were so sweet from the Cause you mention'd, that I could scarce taste the Sugar. "THE QUANTITY OF HUMAN IGNORANCE" _To William Shipley_ Philada. Nov. 27. 1755. I have just received your very obliging Favour of the 13th. September last; and as this Ship sails immediately, have little more time than to thank you cordially for communicating to me the Papers relating to your most laudable Undertaking, and to assure you, that I should esteem the being admitted into such a Society as a corresponding Member, a very great Honour, which I should be glad I could in the least deserve, by promoting in any Degree so useful an Institution. But tho' you do not require your Correspondents to bear any Part of your Expence, you will I hope permit me to throw my Mite into your Fund, and accept of 20 Guineas I purpose to send you shortly, to be apply'd in Premiums for some Improvement _in Britain_, as a grateful, tho' small, Return for your most kind and generous Intentions of Encouraging Improvements _in America._ I flatter myself, from that Part of your Plan, that those Jealousies of her Colonies, which were formerly entertained by the Mother Country, begin to subside. I once wrote a little Paper, tending to show that such Jealousies with Regard to Manufactures were ill-founded. It was lately printed in Boston at the End of a Pamphlet which I take the Liberty to send you. Never be discouraged by any Apprehension that Arts are come to such Perfection in England, as to be incapable of farther Improvement. As yet, the Quantity of Human Knowledge bears no Proportion to the Quantity of Human Ignorance. The Improvements made within these 2000 Years, considerable as they are, would have been much more so, if the Ancients had possess'd one or two Arts now in common Use, I mean those of Copper Plate- and Letter-Printing. Whatever is now exactly delineated and describ'd by those, can scarcely (from the Multitude of Copies) be lost to Posterity. And the Knowledge of small Matters being preserv'd, gives the Hint and is sometimes the Occasion of great Discoveries, perhaps Ages after. The French War, which came on in 1744, took off our Thoughts from the Prosecution of my Proposal for Promoting useful Knowledge in America; and I have ever since the Peace been so engag'd in other Schemes of various kinds and in publick Affairs, as not to find Leisure to revive that useful and very practicable Project. But if I live to see our present Disturbances over in this Part of the World, I shall apply my self to it with fresh Spirit, as beside the Good that may be done, I hope to make myself thereby a more valuable Correspondent. You will greatly oblige me by the Communication of the Inventions and Improvements you mention. And as it is a Maxim in Commerce, That there is no Trade without Returns, I shall be always endeavouring to ballance Accounts with you, tho' probably never able to accomplish it. I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant "WE ARE SPIRITS" _To Elizabeth Hubbart_ DEAR CHILD, PHILADELPHIA, February 22, 1756. I condole with you, we have lost a most dear and valuable relation, but it is the will of God and Nature that these mortal bodies be laid aside, when the soul is to enter into real life; 'tis rather an embrio state, a preparation for living; a man is not completely born until he be dead: Why then should we grieve that a new child is born among the immortals? A new member added to their happy society? We are spirits. That bodies should be lent us, while they can afford us pleasure, assist us in acquiring knowledge, or doing good to our fellow creatures, is a kind and benevolent act of God -- when they become unfit for these purposes and afford us pain instead of pleasure -- instead of an aid, become an incumbrance and answer none of the intentions for which they were given, it is equally kind and benevolent that a way is provided by which we may get rid of them. Death is that way. We ourselves prudently choose a partial death. In some cases a mangled painful limb, which cannot be restored, we willingly cut off -- He who plucks out a tooth, parts with it freely since the pain goes with it, and he that quits the whole body, parts at once with all pains and possibilities of pains and diseases it was liable to, or capable of making him suffer. Our friend and we are invited abroad on a party of pleasure -- that is to last forever -- His chair was first ready and he is gone before us -- we could not all conveniently start together, and why should you and I be grieved at this, since we are soon to follow, and we know where to find him. Adieu, HEAT AND COLD _To John Lining_ Sir, New-York, April 14. 1757. It is a long Time since I had the Pleasure of a Line from you. And indeed the Troubles of our Country, with the Hurry of Business, I have been engag'd in on that Account, have made me so bad a Correspondent, that I ought not to expect Punctuality in others. But being just taking Passage for England, I could not leave the Continent, without paying my Respects to you, and at the same Time taking Leave to introduce to your Acquaintance a Gentleman of Learning and Merit, Col. Henry Bouquet, who does me the Favour to present you this Letter, and with whom I am sure you will be much pleased. Mr. Professor Simpson of Glasgow, lately communicated to me some curious Experiments of a Physician of his Acquaintance, by which it appeared that an extraordinary Degree of Cold, even to Freezing, might be produced by Evaporation. I have not had Leisure to repeat and examine more than the first and easiest of them, viz. Wet the Ball of a Thermometer by a Feather dipt in Spirit of Wine, which has been kept in the same Room, and has of Course the same Degree of Heat or Cold. The Mercury sinks presently 3 or 4 Degrees, and the quicker if during the Evaporation you blow on the Ball with Bellows; a second Wetting and Blowing when the Mercury is down, carries it yet lower. I think I did not get it lower than 5 or 6 Degrees from where it naturally stood, which was at that time 60. But it is said, that a Vessel of Water being plac'd in another somewhat larger containing Spirit, in such a Manner that the Vessel of Water is surrounded with the Spirit, and both plac'd under the Receiver of an Air-pump, on Exhausting the Air, the Spirit evaporating leaves such a Degree of Cold as to freeze the Water, tho' the Thermometer in the open Air stands many Degrees above the Freezing Point. I know not how this Phenomenon is to be accounted for, but it gives me Occasion to mention some loose Notions relating to Heat and Cold, which I have for some Time entertain'd, but not yet reduc'd into any Form. Allowing common Fire as well as the Electrical, to be a Fluid, capable of permeating other Bodies, and seeking an Equilibrium, I imagine some Bodies are better fitted by Nature to be Conductors of that Fluid than others; and that generally those which are the best Conductors of the Electrical Fluid, are also the best Conductors of this; and e contra. Thus a Body which is a good Conductor of Fire readily receives it into its Substance, and conducts it thro' the Whole to all the Parts; as Metals and Water do; and if two Bodies, both good Conductors, one heated, the other in its common State, are brought into Contact with each other, the Body which has most Fire, readily communicates of it to that which had least; and that which had least readily receives it, till an Equilibrium is produced. Thus, if you take a Dollar between your Fingers with one Hand, and a Piece of Wood of the same Dimensions with the other, and bring both at the same Time to the Flame of a Candle, you will find yourself obliged to drop the Dollar before you drop the Wood, because it conducts the Heat of the Candle sooner to your Flesh. Thus, if a Silver Teapot had a Handle of the same Metal, it would conduct the Heat from the Water to the Hand, and become too hot to be used; we therefore give to a Metal Teapot a Handle of Wood, which is not so good a Conductor as Metal. But a China or Stone Teapot being in some Degree of the Nature of Glass, which is not a good Conductor of Heat, may have a Handle of the same Stuff. Thus also a damp moist Air shall make a Man more sensible of Cold, or chill him more than a dry Air that is colder, because a moist Air is fitter to receive and conduct away the Heat of his Body. This Fluid entring Bodies in great Quantity, first expands them by separating their Parts a little, afterwards by farther separating their Parts, it renders solids fluid, and at length dissipates their Parts in Air. Take this Fluid from melted Lead, or from Water, the Parts cohere again, the first grows solid, the latter becomes Ice. And this is soonest done by the Means of good Conductors. Thus, if you take (as I have done) a square Bar of Lead, 4 Inches long, and 1 Inch thick, together with 3 Pieces of Wood planed to the same Dimensions, and lay them as in the Margin, on a smooth Board, fix'd so as not to be easily separated or moved, and pour into the square Cavity they form as much melted Lead as will fill it, you will see the melted Lead chill and become firm on the Side next the Leaden Bar, some Time before it chills on the other three Sides in Contact with the Wooden Bars; tho' before the Lead was poured in, they might all be supposed to have the same Degree of Heat or Coldness, as they had been exposed in the same Room to the same Air. You will likewise observe, that the leaden Bar, as it has cooled the melted Lead more than the wooden Bars have done, so it is itself more heated by the melted Lead. There is a certain Quantity of this Fluid, called Fire, in every living human Body, which Fluid, being in due Proportion, keeps the Parts of the Flesh and Blood at such a just Distance from each other, as that the Flesh and Nerves are suple, and the Blood fit for Circulation. If Part of this due Proportion of Fire be conducted away by Means of a Contact with other Bodies, as Air, Water, or Metals, the Parts of our Skin and Flesh that come into such Contact, first draw more near together than is agreeable, and give that Sensation which we call Cold, and if too much be conveyed away, the Body stiffens, the Blood ceases to flow, and Death ensues. On the other Hand, if too much of this Fluid be communicated to the Flesh, the Parts are separated too far, and Pain ensues as when they are separated by a Pin or Lancet. The Sensation that the Separation by Fire occasions, we call Heat, or Burning. My Desk, on which I now write, and the Lock of my Desk, are both expos'd to the same Temperature of the Air, and have therefore the same Degree of Heat and Cold; yet if I lay my Hand successively on the Wood and on the Metal, the latter feels much the Coldest; not that it is really so, but being a better Conductor, it more readily than the Wood takes away and draws into it self the Fire that was in my Skin. Accordingly, if I lay one Hand, Part on the Lock, and Part on the Wood, and after it has lain so some Time I feel both Parts with my other Hand, I find the Part that has been in Contact with the Lock, very sensibly colder to the Touch than the Part that lay on the Wood. How a living Animal obtains its Quantity of this Fluid called Fire, is a curious Question. I have shown that some Bodies (as Metals) have a Power of Attracting it stronger than others, and I have sometimes suspected that a living Body had some Power of Attracting out of the Air or other Bodies the Heat it wanted. Thus Metal hammer'd or repeatedly bent, grows hot in the bent or hammered Part. But when I consider'd that Air in contact with the Body cools it; that the surrounding Air is rather heated by its Contact with the Body; that every Breath of cooler Air drawn in, carries off Part of the Body's Heat when it passes out again: That therefore there must be in the Body a Fund for producing it, or otherwise the Animal would soon grow cold: I have been rather enclin'd to think that the Fluid, _Fire_, as well as the Fluid, _Air_, is attracted by Plants in their Growth, and becomes consolidated with the other Materials of which they are formed, and makes a great Part of their Substance. That when they come to be digested, and to suffer in the Vessels a Kind of Fermentation, Part of the Fire as well as Part of the Air, recovers its fluid Active State again, and diffuses itself in the Body digesting and separating it. That the Fire so reproduc'd by Digestion and Separation, continually leaving the Body, its Place is supply'd by fresh Quantities arising from the continual Separation. That whatever quickens the Motion of the Fluids in an Animal, quickens the Separation, and reproduces more of the Fire, as Exercise. That all the Fire emitted by Wood and other Combustibles when burning, existed in them before in a solid State, being only discovered when separating. That some Fossils, as Sulphur, Seacoal, &c. contain a great deal of solid Fire; that Gunpowder is almost all solid Fire: And that, in short, what excapes and is dissipated in the Burning of Bodies, besides Water and Earth, is generally the Air and Fire that before made Parts of the solid. Thus I imagin that Animal Heat arises by or from a Kind of Fermentation in the Juices of the Body, in the same Manner as Heat arises in the liquors preparing for Distillation; wherein there is a Separation of the spirituous from the watry and earthy Parts. And it is remarkable, that the Liquor in the Distiller's Vat, when in its highest and best State of Fermentation, shows by the Thermometer, as I have been informed, the same Degree of Heat with the human Body, that is about 94 or 96. Thus, as by a constant Supply of Fuel in a Chimney, you keep a warm Room, so by a constant Supply of Food in the Stomach, you keep a warm Body. Only where little Exercise is used, the Heat may possibly be conducted away too fast, in which Case such Materials are to be used for Cloathing and Bedding, against the Effect of an immediate Contact of the Air, as are in themselves bad Conductors of Heat, and consequently prevent its being communicated thro' their Substance to the Air. Hence what is called _Warmth_ in Wool, and its Preference on that Account to Linen; Wool not being so good a Conductor. And hence all the natural Coverings of Animals to keep them warm, are such, as retain and confine the natural Heat in the Body, by being bad Conductors; such as Wool, Hair, Feathers, and the Silk by which the Silk-worm in its tender embrio State is first cloathed. Cloathing, thus considered, does not make a Man warm, by _giving_ Warmth, but by preventing the too quick Dissipation of the Heat produc'd in his Body, and so occasioning an Accumulation. There is another curious Question I will just venture to touch upon, viz. Whence arises the sudden extraordinary Degree of Cold, perceptible on mixing some Chymical Liquors, and even on mixing Salt and Snow, where the Composition appears colder than the coldest of the Ingredients? I have never seen the chymical Mixtures made, but Salt and Snow I have often mixed myself, and am fully satisfied that the Composition feels much colder to the Touch, and lowers the Mercury in the Thermometer more than either Ingredient would do separately. I suppose with others, that Cold is nothing more than an Absence of Heat or Fire. Now if the Quantity of Fire before contain'd or diffus'd in the Snow and Salt, was expell'd in the Uniting of the two Matters, it must be driven away either thro' the Air or the Vessel containing them. If it is driven off thro' the Air, it must warm the Air, and a Thermometer held over the Mixture without touching it, would discover the Heat by the Rising of the Mercury, as it must and always does in warmer Air. This indeed I have not try'd; but I should guess it would rather be driven off thro' the Vessel, especially if the Vessel be Metal, as being a better Conductor than Air, and so one should find the Bason warmer after such Mixture. But on the contrary the Vessel grows cold, and even Water in which the Vessel is sometimes plac'd for the Experiment, freezes into hard Ice on the Bason. Now I know not how to account for this otherwise than by supposing, that the Composition is a better Conductor of Fire than the Ingredients separately, and like the Lock compar'd with the Wood, has a stronger Power of Attracting Fire, and does accordingly attract it suddenly from the Fingers or a Thermometer put into it, from the Bason that contains it, and from the Water in contact with the Outside of the Bason, so that the Fingers have the Sensation of extream Cold, by being depriv'd of much of their natural Fire; the Thermometer sinks, by having part of its Fire drawn out of the Mercury; the Bason grows colder to the Touch, as by having its Fire drawn into the Mixture, it is become more capable of drawing and receiving it from the Hand; and thro' the Bason the Water loses its Fire that kept it fluid, so it becomes Ice. One would expect, That from all this attracted Acquisition of Fire to the Composition, it should become warmer; and in fact, the Snow and Salt dissolves at the same Time into Water without freezing. I doubt whether in all this I have talked intelligibly; and indeed how should a Man do so, that does not himself clearly understand the Thing he talks of. This I confess to be my present Case. I intended to amuse you, but I fear I have done more, and tired you. Be so good as to excuse it, and believe me, with sincere Esteem and Respect, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant "OLD FOLKS AND OLD TREES" _To Jane Mecom_ Dear Sister New York, April 19. 1757 I wrote a few Lines to you yesterday, but omitted to answer yours relating to Sister Douse: As _having their own Way_, is one of the greatest Comforts of Life, to old People, I think their Friends should endeavour to accommodate them in that, as well as in any thing else. When they have long liv'd in a House, it becomes natural to them, they are almost as closely connected with it as the Tortoise with his Shell, they die if you tear them out of it. Old Folks and old Trees, if you remove them, tis ten to one that you kill them. So let our good old Sister be no more importun'd on that head. We are growing old fast ourselves, and shall expect the same kind of Indulgencies. If we give them, we shall have a Right to receive them in our Turn. And as to her few fine Things, I think she is in the right not to sell them, and for the Reason she gives, that they will fetch but little. When that little is spent, they would be of no farther use to her; but perhaps the Expectation of Possessing them at her Death, may make that Person tender and careful of her, and helpful to her, to the amount of ten times their Value. If so, they are put to the best Use they possibly can be. I hope you visit Sister as often as your Affairs will permit, and afford her what Assistance and Comfort you can, in her present Situation. _Old Age_, _Infirmities_, and _Poverty_, join'd, are Afflictions enough; the _Neglect and Slight_ of Friends and near Relations, should never be added. People in her Circumstances are apt to suspect this sometimes without Cause; _Appearances_ should therefore be attended to, in our Conduct towards them, as well as _Realities._ I write by this Post to Cousin Williams, to continue his Care, which I doubt not he will do. We expect to sail in about a Week, so that I can hardly hear from you again on this Side the Water. But let me have a Line from you now and then while I am in London. I expect to stay there at least a 12 month. Direct your Letters to be left for me at the Pensilvania Coffee House in Birchin Lane London. My Love to all, from Dear Sister, Your affectionate Brother PS. April 25. We are still here, and perhaps may be here a Week longer, Once more Adieu my dear Sister. "THEY EXPECT TOO MUCH OF ME" _To Jane Mecom_ DEAR SISTER, _New York, May_ 30, 1757. I have before me yours of the 9th and 16th instant: I am glad you have resolved to visit sister Dowse oftener; it will be a great comfort to her, to find she is not neglected by you, and your example may, perhaps, be followed by some other of her relations. As Neddy is yet a young man, I hope he may get over the disorder he complains of, and in time wear it out. My love to him and his wife and the rest of your children. It gives me pleasure to hear that Eben is likely to get into business at his trade. If he will be industrious and frugal, 'tis ten to one but he gets rich, for he seems to have spirit and activity. I am glad that Peter is acquainted with the crown soap business, so as to make what is good of the kind. I hope he will always take care to make it faithfully, never slight manufacture, or attempt to deceive by appearances. Then he may boldly put his name and mark, and in a little time it will acquire as good a character as that made by his late uncle, or any other person whatever. I believe his aunt at Philadelphia, can help him to sell a good deal of it; and I doubt not of her doing every thing in her power to promote his interest in that way. Let a box be sent to her (but not unless it be right good) and she will immediately return the ready money for it. It was beginning once to be in vogue in Philadelphia, but brother John sent me one box, an ordinary sort, which checked its progress. I would not have him put the Franklin arms on it; but the soapboilers arms he has a right to use, if he thinks fit. The other would look too much like an attempt to counterfeit. In his advertisements, he may value himself on serving his time with the original maker, but put his own mark or device on the papers, or any thing he may be advised to as proper; only on the soap, as it is called by the name of crown soap, it seems necessary to use a stamp of that sort, and perhaps no soapboiler in the king's dominions has a better right to the crown than himself. Nobody has wrote a syllable to me concerning his making use of the hammer, or made the least complaint of him or you. I am sorry however that he took it without leave. It was irregular, and if you had not approved of his doing it, I should have thought it indiscreet. _Leave_ they say is _light_, and it seems to me a piece of respect that was due to his aunt to ask it, and I can scarce think she would have refused him the favour. I am glad to hear Jamey is so good and diligent a workman; if he ever sets up at the goldsmith's business, he must remember that there is one accomplishment without which he cannot possibly thrive in that trade, (i. e. _to be perfectly honest_). It is a business that though ever so uprightly managed, is always liable to suspicion; and if a man is once detected in the smallest fraud it soon becomes public, and every one is put upon their guard against him; no one will venture to try his hands, or trust him to make up their plate; so at once he is ruined. I hope my nephew will therefore establish a character as an _honest_ and faithful, as well as _skilful_ workman, and then he need not fear employment. And now as to what you propose for Benny I believe he may be, as you say, well enough qualified for it, and when he appears to be settled, if a vacancy should happen, it is very probable he may be thought of to supply it; but it is a rule with me, not to remove any officer that behaves well, keeps regular accounts, and pays duly; and I think the rule is founded on reason and justice. I have not shown any backwardness to assist Benny, where it could be done without injuring another. But if my friends require of me to gratify not only their inclinations, but their resentments, they expect too much of me. Above all things I dislike family quarrels, and when they happen among my relations, nothing gives me more pain. If I were to set myself up as a judge of those subsisting between you and brother's widow and children, how unqualified must I be, at this distance, to determine rightly, especially having heard but one side. They always treated me with friendly and affectionate regard, you have done the same. What can I say between you, but that I wish you were reconciled, and that I will love that side best that is most ready to forgive and oblige the other. You will be angry with me here, for putting you and them too much upon a footing, but I shall nevertheless be, Dear sister, your truly Affectionate brother, .